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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Over the past few years considerable debate has taken place regarding the role of Local lndustrial Parks (LIPs) in stimulating the growth and development of Small, Medium and Micro Enterprises (SMMEs) in South Africa. LIPs are normally established to achieve specific development objectives, namely, job creation, sector specific support, entrepreneurship/small business promotion and the provision of affordable workspace. Through interviews with centre managersof each of the LIPs located in the Western Cape Province, and the collection of other relevant information, this document appraises the performance of UPs against those criteria. The author further postulates that the term UP has evolved from a variety of other "period-names" for facilities that provide accommodation/business premises to SMMEs, and has become the current term for defining such facilities. Given the high demand for appropriately priced business premises for SMMEs, and the decision by the Cape Metropolitan Council to actively promote the establishment of UPs as a core activity in its local economic development strategy, this document recommends what services should be provided by UPs to ensure that the services offered represent value for money, and achieve the desired goals of an UP programme. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die afgelope paar jaar is daar hewig gedebateer oor die rol wat Plaasklike Industriële Parke (PIP) in die stimulering van ontwikkeling en groei van Klein-, Medium- en Mikro- Besighede (KMMB) in Suid Afrika speel. PIP's word normaalweg ontwikkel om spesifieke mikpunte te behaal, naamlik werksskepping, sektor-spesifieke ondersteuning, entrepreneurship/kleinbesigheids promosie en verskaffing van bekostigbare werksareas. Deur 'n proses van onderhoude met sentrum bestuurders van elk van die PIPs geleë in die Wes-Kaap Provinsie, en die versameling van ander tersaaklike inligting, meet hierdie dokument die sukses van PIP's in die lig van bogenoemde kriteria. Die outeur postuleer verder dat die term PIP 'n uitvloeisel van ander "periode-name" van fasiliteite wat werksareas en besigheids persele aan KMMB's verskaf het, is en dat dit die huidige term is om na sulke fasiliteite te verwys. Met die hoë vraag na besigheidspersele vir KMMB's teen 'n redelike tarief, en die besluit deur die Kaapse Metropolitaanse Raad om PIP's aktief te bevorder as 'n sleutel aktiwiteit in die plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkeling strategie, meld hierdie dokument aanbevelings in terme van dienste wat deur PIP's verskaf behoort te word om te verseker dat hierdie dienste waarde vir geld verteenwoordig, en die beoogte mikpunte van die PIP bereik.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In the quest to attract foreign investments which is seen as one way of alleviating poverty by creating employment opportunities and earning foreign currency many countries have implemented the EPZ regime. Though the concept remains the same throughout the world, it has adopted different names depending on the country. In Mexico the EPZ's are called the "Maquiladoras" and in Bulgaria EPZ's are called Free Trade Zones. No matter the differences in names the concept is principally the same: EPZ is an enclave which operates outside the normal economic framework of the country. At independence Namibia faced a high unemployment rate and poverty. In 1995 the Namibian government passed the EPZ Act in order to pave the way for the development of EPZ industrial parks. The need for passing the EPZ Act was necessitated by the acute unemployment rate which the country faced at the time, which had the potential to threaten the political stability the country enjoyed. Thus, amongst other policy instruments, the EPZ Act was passed with the principle objective of attracting the much needed foreign investments which would result in creation of the needed employment opportunities. The government set a very ambitious target for the EPZ regime; it was expected that by 1999 the EPZ regime would have created about 25 000 job opportunities. Thus, the anticipated number of job opportunities was quite frequently used as a justification for the massive investments provided for the development of infrastructures in the EPZ industrial parks and hefty subsidies which were extended to some EPZ companies. It is important to note that unlike other countries who adopted the location-based EPZ model, Namibia has adopted a flexible EPZ model implying that a company which acquires the EPZ status is free to locate or set-up its facility anywhere in the country. In 2003 a Malaysian textile company called Ramatex closed its operations in South Africa and relocated to Namibia. In terms of employment creation the EPZ reached its peak in 2004 when about 10 057 persons / individuals were actively employed in the EPZ companies. Ramatex accounted for about 80% of the total of 10 057 EPZ jobs. Since 2004 the number of jobs in the Namibian EPZ regime started to decline at an alarming rate; at the end of 2007 there were only 5 248 people employed by the EPZ companies. Many times Ramatex threatened to close its operations, citing decline in the demand of its products and low productivity, but after some closed-door negotiations the government initially managed to convince it to continue its operation. Regrettably the success of the Namibian government to convince Ramatex to continue with its operation in Namibia was short-lived, when in the first quarter of 2008; the inevitable closure of Ramatex became a reality. The closure of Ramatex has resulted in the retrenchment of about 3 000 people. The overall performance of the Namibian EPZ regime leaves a lot to be desired. The Namibian EPZ regime so far failed to attract enough investments to create the anticipated job opportunities and to increase the export of manufactured goods. On a positive note, EPZ regime compelled the authority to invest in infrastructures which it might otherwise not have invested in. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die soeke na 'n wyse om buitelandse beleggings te trek as een van die maniere om armoede te verlig deur die skepping van werksgeleenthede en die verkryging van buitelandse valuta, het baie lande die EPZ-regime geimplementeer. Hoewel die konsep dwarsdeur die wereld dieselfde bly, het dit verskillende name in verskillende lande. In Meksiko word dit die UMaquiladoras' genoem en in Bulgarye is dit Vryehandelsones. Ongeag wat dit genoem word , bly die konsep in wese dieselfde: EPZ is 'n enklave wat buite die normale ekonomiese raamwerk van die land opereer. Toe Namibia onafhanklik geword het, het die land gebuk gegaan onder 'n hoe werkloosheidskoers en armoede. In 1995 het die Namibiese regering die Wet op EPZ uitgevaardig om ruimte te skep vir die ontwikkeling van EPZ-nywerheidsparke. Die akute werkloosheidskoers van die land op daardie tydstip het dit noodsaaklik gemaak dat hierdie wet uitgevaardig word, aangesien die werkloosheid potensieel die politieke stabiliteit in die land kon bedreig. As deel van ander politieke instrumente is die Wet op EPZ dus uitgevaardig, met as hoofdoelwit die 10k van broodnodige buitelandse beleggings wat sou lei tot die skepping van die ewe nodige werksgeleenthede. Die regering het 'n baie ambisieuse doelwit vir die EPZregime gestel; dit sou na verwagting teen 1999 nagenoeg 25 000 werksgeleenthede skep. Die verwagte getal werksgeleenthede is dus dikwels gebruik as regverdiging vir die massiewe beleggings wat voorsien is vir die ontwikkeling van die infrastrukture in die EPZ nywerheidsparke asook die groot subsidies toegestaan aan sommige EPZ-maatskappye. Dit is belangrik om daarop te let dat, anders as ander lande waar die EPZ-model plekgebonde was, Namibia 'n buigsame EPZ-model aanvaar het. Dit het geimpliseer dat 'n maatskappy wat EPZ-status verwerf het, sy fasiliteit enige plek in die land kon vestig. 'n Maleisiese tekstielmaatskappy met die naam Ramatex het in 2003 sy bedryf in Suid Afrika toegemaak en na Namibie verhuis. Sover dit die skepping van werksgeleenthede aangaan, het die EPZ in Namibie in 2004 sy hoogtepunt bereik, toe ongeveer 10 057 persone / individue aktief in diens van die EPZ-maatskappye was. Ramatex het ongeveer 80% van die totale 10057 EPZ-werksgeleenthede voorsien. Sedert 2004 het die getal werksgeleenthede in die Namibiese EPZ-regime teen 'n ontstellende koers afgeneem, sodat daar teen die einde van 2007 net 5248 mense in diens van die EPZ-maatskappye was. Ramatex het by verskeie geleenthede gedreig om sy bedrywighede te sluit weens die afname in die vraag na sy produkte en lae produktiwiteit, maar na onderhandelinge agter geslote deure het die regering aanvanklik daarin geslaag om Ramatex te oortuig om voort te gaan. Hierdie sukses van die Namibiese regering was ongelukkig van korte duur, aangesien die onafwendbare sluiting van Ramatex in die eerste kwartaal van 2008 werklikheid geword het. Die gevolg was die afdanking van ongeveer 3 000 mense. Die oorkoepelende prestasie van die Namibiese EPZ-regime is ver van bevredigend. Hierdie regime het tot nou toe nie daarin geslaag om genoeg beleggings te lok om die verwagte werksgeleenthede te skep en die uitvoer van vervaardigde produkte te verhoog nie. Aan die positiewe kant het die EPZ-regime die owerheid gedwing om te bele in infrastrukture waarin hulle andersins nie sou bele het nie.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Science, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science. Johannesburg, 5 June 2017. / Environmental reporting is largely voluntary for companies, unlike financial reporting which has well set standards for measurement, reporting, auditing and governing laws based on IFRS and GAAP. A driver such as a stock exchange is able to act as a “regulating body” that requires a minimum reporting standard for companies listed on the stock exchange. Stock exchanges have an ethical responsibility to encourage companies listed with them to be environmental stewards to provide investors with responsible investment opportunities. This study provides an understanding of the quality of environmental guidelines presented by international stock exchanges compared to key global environmental concerns. The aim of this dissertation was to assess and compare sustainability guidelines provided by selected stock exchanges, with specific focus on key global environmental concerns. The objectives were (1) to assess the existing environmental reporting requirements of 19 stock exchanges across all continents, (2) to determine how the JSE environmental reporting guidelines compared to those of other stock exchanges, (3) to compare 20 JSE listed companies’ environmental reports based on the presence and quality of data, (4) to compare what companies reported to what the JSE required and (5) to identify possible differences in reporting between the impact levels and industries of companies. A Sustainability Balanced Scorecard (SBSC) was developed by identifying seven key global environmental concerns (resources; biodiversity; water; energy; emissions, pollution and waste; products and services; and supply chain management) that were common themes from the MEA (2005) and UNEP Ecosystem Management policy (2010). A five tier scoring system specific to assessing reporting guidelines and another five tier scoring system specific to assessing company environmental reports were used. Nineteen stock exchange guidelines were assessed to represent both developing and developed countries and all regions (Africa, America, Australasia and Europe). Overall, the stock exchange guidelines addressed the key global environmental concerns rather poorly. There were no differences in the quality of guidelines for stock exchanges that recommended guidelines in developing or developed countries. There were no differences found in the guidelines of stock exchanges operating in different regions. There were differences in the focus on key global environmental concerns by the guidelines. The environmental information reported by twenty companies spanning three impact levels and seven industries was also assessed. The companies in the high and medium impact levels iv reported similarly and better than the companies in the low impact levels. There were differences found in the way companies reported according to the different industries as well as differences in the way companies addressed the key global environmental concerns. Even though the JSE’s developed guidelines did not account for resources and biodiversity, the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) reporting guidelines that the JSE recommended to their listed companies covered these categories. Companies reported voluntarily on the categories because they may understand the importance of managing resources and biodiversity for the sustainability of their business. Stock exchanges are faced with a variety of companies at different impact levels representing different industries, making it difficult to provide a minimum set of environmental reporting guidelines. Stock exchanges should require companies to report on all key global environmental concerns identified in this study, but should not dictate how the companies report on them. Global environmental reporting standards may be better suited with a global sustainability body like the Global Sustainability Standards Board (GSSB) that is able to provide global standards for all companies. Companies need to change the way that they do business, the benefits of reporting on environmental performance outweigh the risks of not reporting and managing these impacts. Sustainability reporting and best practise today may be the compliance of the future. Stakeholders are increasingly expecting companies to contribute more to environmental sustainability. Companies are essential in building a resilient planet that will be able to feed a growing population that will increase from seven to nine billion people by 2050. Key words: Environmental Sustainability; Johannesburg Stock Exchange; Millennium Ecosystem Assessment; Sustainability Balanced Score Card Approach; United Nations Environment Programme Ecosystem Management Policy / GR2018

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:49:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 IVNA OLIMPIO LAURIA.pdf: 4212067 bytes, checksum: 48f6e81b76bfd9b7bb09be3db38e1e5e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-21 / Seeking to find alternatives for the development of municipalities, the creation of industrial districts has been a wise option. The main objective of this work is to verify if the district established in the public area, which have their assigned area without charge, can leverage the development of the municipality generating employment, tax revenues and local development. For this we analyzed the impact on the company to install your business in a city that offers space, manpower and good logistics. At first it was discussed with industrial districts fulcrum in the classical theories of industrial location and regional development. In a second moment seek data referring to the industrial, services and agricultural , population , GDP and others, relating to the Centro Oeste, the state of Goiás and municipalities, using resources available at IBGE , IPEA , Institute Mauro Borges and SEPLAN -GO and others. The questionnaire, defined as the third moment of the research, was carried out with companies located in 03 (three) main municipal districts of the city of Aparecida de Goiânia. Thus , it was found that the Centro Oeste has excelled in the overall percentage of development compared to other regions due to an economic expansion that began the twentieth century , grew with the construction of Brasilia and is currently maintained by GDP growth of states Mato Grosso and Goiás. As for the city of Aparecida de Goiania, case study of this work, it was found that the county grew and developed achieving good levels of employability and storage, especially in the years of creation and expansion of the districts. On the other hand companies have suffered for many years with the lack of infrastructure and land issues of assigned areas also meant a great disadvantage and are opposed to the main attraction of the city: the location and privileged logistics metropolitan region. Although the municipality submits an increase in their numbers, the evolution could be higher, with planning, investments and better interaction of public and private sector. / Buscando encontrar alternativas para o desenvolvimento dos municípios, a criação de distritos industriais tem sido uma opção acertada. O principal objetivo deste trabalho é verificar se o distrito estabelecido em área pública, que têm sua área cedida sem ônus, pode alavancar o desenvolvimento do município gerando emprego, arrecadação e desenvolvimento local. Para isso analisou-se o impacto na empresa ao instalar seu negócio em um município que ofereça espaço, mão de obra e boa logística. Num primeiro momento, discutiram-se distritos industriais com fulcro nas teorias clássicas de localização industrial e de desenvolvimento regional. Em um segundo momento buscou-se dados referentes aos setores industrial, de serviços e agropecuário, populacional, PIB e outros, referente à Região Centro Oeste, ao estado de Goiás e dos Municípios, utilizando recursos disponíveis no IBGE, IPEA, Instituto Mauro Borges-IMB e SEPLAN-GO e outros. A aplicação do questionário, definido como o terceiro momento da pesquisa, foi realizada com empresas localizadas nos 03 (três) principais distritos municipais do Município de Aparecida de Goiânia. Deste modo, constatou-se que a Região Centro Oeste tem se destacado no percentual geral de desenvolvimento em relação às outras regiões devido uma expansão econômica que iniciou do século XX, cresceu com a construção de Brasília e é mantida pelo crescimento do PIB dos estados de Mato Grosso e Goiás. Quanto ao município de Aparecida de Goiânia, estudo de caso do presente trabalho, verificou-se que o município cresceu e desenvolveu-se alcançando bons índices de empregabilidade e arrecadação, principalmente nos anos de criação e expansão dos distritos. Por outro lado as empresas sofreram por muitos anos com a falta de infraestrutura e a questão fundiária das áreas cedidas ainda significa uma grande desvantagem e se contrapõe ao principal atrativo do município: a localização em região metropolitana e logística privilegiada. Ainda que o município apresente um crescimento em seus números, a evolução poderia ser maior, com planejamento, investimentos e melhor interação do setor público e privado.

Between 1905 and 1926. developers. real estate speculators, and the Port of -Portland filled in Guild's Lake, a riparian marsh that had been the location for Portland's 1905 Lewis and Clark.: Exposition and Oriental Fair. There were two phases in the filling process. The first phase, which began before the fair ended and lasted until 1914, involved developers using high-pressured hydraulic hoses to sluice soil from nearby hills into the lake. Their primary goal was to terrace the hillside to create a high-end view neighborhood; Guild's Lake was a convenient "dump" for the gravel and dirt. During the second phase. from 1919 to 1926. Portland's elite business leaders teamed up with the city and the Port of Portland to use dredge spoils from a Willamette River channel change and deepening for a more comprehensive filling operation at Guild's Lake. Although city and citizen planning efforts to establish a publicly-owned industrial area at Guild's Lake failed, private landowners at Guild's Lake negotiated with the Port of Portland to fill the lake.

The aim of this thesis has been to analyse the textile industry of Prato between the years 1991 and 2001. The district has been examined in terms of population, employment, firms and international trade and we have examined the industry in the region weighted against the whole Italy. Moreover, the Location quotation has been used to measure the degree of specialization. Theories about cluster and industrial districts have been utilized to give a background to agglomeration of firms. The conclusions from our analysis are that Prato consists of a large group of firms acting in similar industry in a specific location. The district is highly dominated by small firms, which are engage in the production of a homogenous product through different stages. In terms of international trade, Prato has been able to increase its exports between the years 1995 to 2001. Furthermore, our examination of Prato shows a reduction of employment and number of firms operating within the textile sector, while the degree of specialization has increased. Our inference is that this contradiction is due to the decrease of the total textile industry in the whole country. / Syftet med denna uppsats har varit att analysera textilindustrin i Prato mellan åren 1991 och 2001. Regionen har analyserats i termer av befolkning, sysselsättning, företag och internationell handel, och vi har undersökt industrin i regionen i jämförelse med hela Italien. Dessutom har en lokaliseringskvot använts för att mäta graden av specialisering. Teorier om kluster och industriella distrikt har använts för att ge en bakgrund till hopsamling av företag. Slutsatsen vi har dragit från vår analys är att Prato består av en stor grupp företag som verkar inom en liknande industri på en specifik plats. Distriktet är till stor del dominerat av små företag vilka är sysselsatta i produktionen av en homogen produkt inom olika steg av produktionen. Gällande den internationella handeln har Prato lyckats öka sin export mellan åren 1995 och 2001. Vår undersökning av Prato har även visat en minskning av sysselsättningen och antalet företag inom industrin, men samtidigt en ökad grad av specialisering. Vår slutsats är att detta något motsägelsefulla beror på en minskning av den totala textilindustrin i hela landet.

<p>The aim of this thesis has been to analyse the textile industry of Prato between the years 1991 and 2001. The district has been examined in terms of population, employment, firms and international trade and we have examined the industry in the region weighted against the whole Italy. Moreover, the Location quotation has been used to measure the degree of specialization. Theories about cluster and industrial districts have been utilized to give a background to agglomeration of firms. The conclusions from our analysis are that Prato consists of a large group of firms acting in similar industry in a specific location. The district is highly dominated by small firms, which are engage in the production of a homogenous product through different stages. In terms of international trade, Prato has been able to increase its exports between the years 1995 to 2001. Furthermore, our examination of Prato shows a reduction of employment and number of firms operating within the textile sector, while the degree of specialization has increased. Our inference is that this contradiction is due to the decrease of the total textile industry in the whole country.</p> / <p>Syftet med denna uppsats har varit att analysera textilindustrin i Prato mellan åren 1991 och 2001. Regionen har analyserats i termer av befolkning, sysselsättning, företag och internationell handel, och vi har undersökt industrin i regionen i jämförelse med hela Italien. Dessutom har en lokaliseringskvot använts för att mäta graden av specialisering. Teorier om kluster och industriella distrikt har använts för att ge en bakgrund till hopsamling av företag. Slutsatsen vi har dragit från vår analys är att Prato består av en stor grupp företag som verkar inom en liknande industri på en specifik plats. Distriktet är till stor del dominerat av små företag vilka är sysselsatta i produktionen av en homogen produkt inom olika steg av produktionen. Gällande den internationella handeln har Prato lyckats öka sin export mellan åren 1995 och 2001. Vår undersökning av Prato har även visat en minskning av sysselsättningen och antalet företag inom industrin, men samtidigt en ökad grad av specialisering. Vår slutsats är att detta något motsägelsefulla beror på en minskning av den totala textilindustrin i hela landet.</p>

Industrial sector was dominated before 1970s, in order to meet the social need at that period, the Government put great effort in industrial development. Industrial areas were commonly found. As economic restructured, the open door policy made “industrial” sector was replaced by “financial” sector gradually. Facing this changed environment, many industrial buildings are being under-utilized and some are even vacant. This is definitely a waste of land resources in Hong Kong. With the increase in population, demand in space increase and hence land resources is valuable. Under the Town Planning Board, Land in Hong Kong was marked to restrict the land use on areas. For example, the area marked in “industrial” use means the buildings located were restricted to be use in industrial which most industrial buildings were found in that area. “Rezoning” and the introduction of “Other Specified Uses” annotated “Business” (“OU(B)) zone was introduced in respond to the situation that most of the buildings were non-compliant use in the industrial buildings. This is what the Government put effort to tackle the problem and the rezoning progress is still an on-going policy. In addition, some industrial buildings which located in the industrial zone and rezone to be “OU(B)” zone, even though rezone the areas, non-compliant uses in some industrial buildings are still found. The government hence established revitalizing industrial policies in 2009-2010 Policy Address in which to promote the revitalization of old industrial buildings through encouraging redevelopment and conversation of them. In this paper, there is a study on how the Hong Kong government takes part in the revitalization project in the industrial areas. The current uses of the industrial buildings, the establishment of the revitalizing industrial buildings policies in Hong Kong will be discussed, and through the oversea case to find out the whether there is lesson can be learnt for the Hong Kong government in regeneration an area. / published_or_final_version / Housing Management / Master / Master of Housing Management

xvii, 191 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / For over a century, researchers from diverse intellectual disciplines have tried to explain the emergence of regional business clusters. I contribute to research on cluster emergence by applying an institutional logics framework to model how cluster emergence is influenced by such factors as supportive institutional logics, knowledge spillover, labor pooling, and technological uncertainty. This study is guided by the research question: How do institutions, specifically, varying levels of a congruous institutional logic, affect regional cluster emergence? Using the passage of the 1978 Public Utility Regulatory Policies Act (PURPA) as a catalyst for business cluster emergence in the renewable energy sector, this study examines the emergence of wind and solar energy manufacturing clusters. I test hypotheses about the positive influences of a congruous institutional logic across U.S. metropolitan statistical areas to see if the relative prevalence of a congruous institutional logic results in more firms and greater levels of clustering. For example, a pro-environmental sentiment among human populations aligns, or in other words, is congruous, with renewable energy manufacturing. I use fixed effects estimation to test several hypotheses regarding positive direct and moderating effects of institutional alignment on cluster emergence. I find that congruous institutional logics have a positive direct influence on clustering, and as technological uncertainty increases, this positive direct influence is enhanced. I find only partial support for the moderating influence of congruous institutional logics on the positive direct effect of positive externalities on clustering. This study contributes to practice and theory by building a model and supporting hypotheses on the influence of institutional fit on regional cluster emergence. / Committee in charge: Michael Russo, Chairperson, Management; Jennifer Howard-Grenville, Member, Management; Alan Meyer, Member, Management; Glen Waddell, Outside Member, Economics