In capital-scarce low income economies, FDI is seen as a stable and important source of financing for developing economies. FDI is therefore expected to generate effects on the country's economic growth potential. However, despite the long history of FDI, it was only after 1990 that Sub-Saharan African countries experienced vast increase in FDI inflows into the region. Evidence of effectiveness of such flows has remained debateable, particularly with the dominance of cross-country studies in such enquiry. With yet no existing country study for Namibia, this research investigates the relationship between FDI and economic growth in the country and the determinants of FDI flows to Namibia. The methodologies adopted in this study are mainly based on co-integration analysis. In order to investigate the impact of FDI on economic growth we employ co-integration tests and estimate both long-run effects and short-run dynamics using the autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) model. The study also extends co-integration testing by applying the asymmetric (ARDL) model to test for asymmetry. The standard co-integration tests are also appropriately used to investigate the macroeconomic determinants of FDI flows to Namibia. Appropriate econometric procedure has also been employed to examine the sector level FDI and economic growth using a dynamic ordinary least squares (DOLS) model and mean-group (MG) estimation, to consider for the assumptions of both a homogeneity and heterogeneity case across units. Arising from a pluralistic analytical framework involving a triangulation of econometric estimation approaches, the study finds that FDI in Namibia is significant in promoting economic growth in the country. In terms of the impact on growth, the results show a positive relationship between FDI and economic growth. They also indicate that FDI consistently exerts a positive impact on growth when we incorporate trade openness, inflation and gross fixed capital formation in the analysis. This proves that these variables are indeed important in explaining economic growth in the long-run in the country and its development. With respect to the analysis, the study extended upon the linear framework to allow for the detection of asymmetric effects both in the short and long-run, as not to limit the study to the assumption of a linear paradigm only. The results show no evidence of asymmetric pattern in the relationship between FDI and economic growth. Meaning, the responsiveness of economic growth to FDI flow variations is linear. In terms of the macroeconomic determinant of FDI in Namibia the study finds that the potential market size, interest rates, initial level of income, labour force, the provision of infrastructural facilities and inflation are important determinants of FDI into the country. Although openness is found to be positive it is insignificant in determining FDI to Namibia. This could possibly act as a deterrent and as such the institutional set up's for the export and investment promotion services need a criterion for a successful export and investment support function in order to increase FDI inflows into the country and remove such factors that could inhibit such flows. In terms of sector specific FDI and economic growth the results show a co-integrating relationship. Therefore, there is long run relationship in conformity with the study hypothesis. Accounting for causality the study finds feedback effects between FDI and economic growth both in the short and long-run. Furthermore, the study also finds that FDI to Namibia is not only resource seeking but that Namibia has seen an increase in market-seeking and efficiency seeking foreign investors. As such, differentiated efforts towards attracting different forms of FDI flows to varied sectors are crucial if the economic significance of FDI is to be improved in Namibia.

The primary purpose of the research project was to explore the impact the Namibian Youth Credit Scheme (NYCS) modelled on the Commonwealth Youth Scheme (CYS) is impacting the programme beneficiaries in the Omaheke Region. Namibia as a whole as well as the research locale has a high percentage of youth unemployment where most of the youth experience chronic poverty with limited opportunities to change their fortunes around. Through a qualitative research strategy, the researcher set out to investigate the level and type of impact the programme has had on the beneficiaries of the programme, as well as to ascertain the challenges and sustainability thereof. The researcher utilized the opportunity provided by one of the post-training workshops by converting it into two focus groups of fifteen participants in each. Two implementing agents (IAs) were individually interviewed to gain some insight from employees into the inner working and outlook of the workers in the NYCS programme. Lastly, ten beneficiaries were interviewed as a form of internal triangulation in sourcing credible data. The research found the programme has made a tremendous difference economically in the lives and families of beneficiaries. The programme not only improved their livelihood but it also contributed educationally to their knowledge base and skills formation. Psychologically the programme improved their social outlook generally and their political stance specifically, the latter as it pertains to the NYCS programme in particular. The study concluded by making several recommendations on how the programme could improve. These recommendations are not definitive; they are suggestive. In order for the recommendations to be conclusive, several other factors in terms of the research process would have to be considered. Even so, within its research dimension the research proved the programme to be highly effective.

Thesis (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Since gaining independence in 1990, Namibia has enjoyed a fairly stable economic performance, but its heavy reliance on its natural resources, especially its mineral resources, is at times worrisome. Historically, the country has depended primarily on diamond exports as a major source of foreign exchange earnings and state revenue. The contribution of diamond mining to government revenue has over the years declined from a high of N$1493 million in 2002 to the levels of N$821 million in 2007. Similarly, the contribution of diamond mining to the Gross Domestic Product has decline marginally from N$4.59 billion (16.9 percent) in 2006 to N$3.56 billion (13.1 percent) in 2007 respectively. It is evident that there has been a steady, but progressive decline in the proportional contribution of diamonds to the national income in relation to the other sectors of the economy. This decline can however not be directly attributed to a corresponding decline in the diamond production output, but perhaps due to a decline in diamond demand and lower prices. Based on the fact that diamond production and expansion thereof to offshore operations in particular will continue for years to come and still make significant contribution to the Namibia economy, this study attempts to formulate value addition strategies that could lead to the optimisation of the Namibia diamond economy potential, especially local benefication, as well as increased international competitiveness within the established world diamond markets. To this end, it evaluates the intricate supply and demand patterns in the world diamond market to understand how Namibia could position itself. The study found that there is a clear case for local diamond benefication as an economic imperative and that it is a feasible proposition. However, it must be approached cautiously and within a clearly defined and structured framework. It is recommended that Namibia should pursue the benefication of her unique gem quality diamonds in conjunction with external manufacturing experts and marketers in order to secure a bigger stake in the global diamond pipeline. To this end the government needs to formulate clear incentive strategies and packages for investors and also open the playing field for local manufacturers, without compromising existing relations and revenue streams. Furthermore, it is suggested that Namibia strive to maintain an amicable balance between rough exports and local benefication, whilst expanding the regulatory and enabling environment. Other proposals that will support local benefication and competitiveness of the Namibian diamond economy are diamond branding and marketing through already existing diamond marketing pioneers such as DTC International. Finally, Namibia needs to embark upon strategies to urgently increase its skills base and improve the productivity of its labour force in order to achieve the vision of a flourishing diamond benefication sector.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Theory states that if a country opens its markets to free trade that it facilitates the better utilization of resources for all the parties participating in the agreement resulting to a relative lowering of production cost, the increase in export earnings, larger markets to benefit from economies of scale and subsequent investment in production facilities will increase employment and general welfare. Namibia has three major free trade agreements or economic integration arrangements namely the Southem Africa Customs Union (SACU), the Cotonou agreement defining its export regime to the European Union and the South Africa European Union Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement defining its import regime via the Southem African Customs Union and the African Growth and Opportunities Act defining its relationship with the United States of America. These agreements are at varying levels of integration with the Southem African Customs Union in place already in 1920. Namibia uses taxes on international trade as a primary source of state income (28% to 32 %). As part of its membership to the SACU's Common External Pool revenue distribution, Namibia is compensated for not being able to charge import taxes on South African imports. South Africa has determined trade policy for SACU since its exception and used tariffs more as a form of protection of its own industries, rather than a source of state income. The lowering of tariffs on EU imports by means of the SA EU TDCA as well as WTO obligations will see the reduction of state income of Namibia of an estimated amount of N$ 480 million [Schade 20051. This will have dire consequence for the Namibian economy as the deficit of the state budget is already 4.7 % as compared to a norm of 3%. In this study the growth in export earnings as well as the investment response of the various free trade agreements have been analysed. Contrary to theory, economic integration has not led to the desired growth in export earnings as well as significant investment responses due to preferential access provided by these agreements. Significant growth in exports is limited to specific sectors, notably fish to the European Union and apparel to the USA. Investments were also limited to these sectors. Free trade and preferential access did not lead to the diversification of the Namibian economy and has on the contrary inflicted severe blows to the critical beef industry in the near past and over the long term has led to trade diversion towards South Africa as well as the European Union. Investments and increases in export earnings are too little to offset the reduction of state income by the liberalization of tariffs and will result in Namibia becoming more marginalised if it does not counter the situation by better trade policies that are to be formulated along with the other SACU members. These policies will take time to be concluded as of yet none of the institutions of SACU has become operational. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die teorie van vryhandel bepaal as 'n land sy mark oopmaak vir vryhandel dat dit sal lei tot die verbeterde benutting van hulpbronne vir al die partye tot 'n vryhandelsooreenskoms deur middel van die verlaging van produksiekoste, die verhoging van uitvoerinkomste, die vergroting van markte wat kan voordeel trek uit skaal van, ekonomieë asook die verhoging van gepaardgaande belegging wat werkskepping en die algemene welsyn sal verhoog. Namibie is deel van drie vryhandelsooreenkomste of ekonomiese integrasie samewerking naamlik die Suider Afrikaanse Doane Unie (SADU), die Cotonou verdrag wat sy uitvoer na die Europese Unie bepaal, die Suid Afrika Europese Unie Handel, Ontwikkeling en Samewerkingsooreenkoms (SA EU TOCA) wat sy invoere vanaf Suid Afrika via die SADU bepaal en die African Growth and Opportunffies Act wat sy uitvoere na die VSA bepaal. Hierdie ooreenkomste is op verskillende vlakke van ekonomiese integrasie met SADU wat alreeds sedert 1920 bestaan. Namibie gebruik belasting op intemasionale handel as 'n primere bron van staatsinkomste (28% tot 32 %). Namibia word as lid van SADU gekompenseer deur middel van die Gemeenskaplike Eksteme Inkomste Poel vir die gebrek om invoerbelasting op Suid Afrikaanse produkte te hef. Suid-Afrika het sedert die ontstaan van SADU die handelsbeleid daarvan bepaal en het tariewe gebruik om sy eie industrieë te beskerm in plaas van 'n bron van staatsinkomste. Die verlaging van tariewe deur middel van die SA EU TOCA asook verpligtinge van die Wereldhandelsorganisasie sal tot gevolg hê die vermindering van Namibiese staatsinkomste van N$ 480 miljoen, Dit sal geweldige negatiewe gevolge inhou vir Namibie wat alreeds met 'n tekort op die begroting van 4.7% sit in vergelyking met 'n aanvaarde norm van 3%. In hierdie werkstuk is die groei in uitvoerverdienste asook die beleggingsreaksie van die verskillende ooreenskomste ondersoek. Daar is gevind dat desnieteenstaande die teorie, ekonomiese integrasie nie gelei het tot die verlangde groei in uitvoere of beleggings nie. Uitsondenike groei in uitvoere is beperk tot spesifieke sektore naamlik vis na die Europese Unie en klerasie na die VSA. Beleggings is ook beperk tot hierdie sektore. Vryhandel en voorkeurtoegang het nie gelei tot die diversifikasie van Namibie se ekonomie nie en het dit op die keper beskou gelei tot kritiese terugslae op die kritiese beesvleisindustrie in die nabye verlede en het dit oor die langtermyn gelei tot die wegleiding van handel na Suid - Afrika en die Europese Unie. Beleggings en toename in uitvoer is te min om die vermindering van staatsinkomste deur middel van die liberalisering van handel teen te werk. Dit sal tot gevolg hê dat Namibia al meer gemarginaliseerd gaan raak indien dit nie die situasie kan teenwerk deur middel van beter handelsbeleid wat bepaal moet word deur onderhandeling met ander SADU lede nie. Hierdie beleidsrigtings sal lank neem voordat dit van krag sal kom aangesien nie een van die SADU instellings al in volle bedryf is nie.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Republic of Namibia gained its independence from South Africa on 21 March 1990. The divided economic sector between modem European orientated and the underdeveloped African sector places major challenges on the government, the business sector and on the population itself. Vast differences exist between income, educational level, and living conditions and life expectations. The economy can be described as stable. Mining, fishing and agriculture are the main contributors to the economy. Currently the government maintains a budget deficit of 23.5% of the Gross Domestic Product. The economic policy can be described as open and democratic. Exchange rates and interest rates are market-determined. The comparatively high Gini - Coefficient of 0,7%, an unemployment rate of 34% and the decrease of the life expectancy rate are major challenges faced by the government of the day. Since independence Namibia has become a member of many regional and world organisations. These organisations support Namibia in various development projects, which will contribute t a stable economy. The composition of the Namibian population together with the size of the country and its various natural resources makes Namibia not very attractive for major manufacturers or industrialisation. Therefore the development of Small Macro and Medium Enterprises are of utmost importance. Namibia has developed a sophisticated financial sector, compared to other African countries. The Namibian Stock Exchange was established during 1992 and has developed into the second largest stock exchange in Africa. Treasury Bills and Government Bonds have been introduced as investment tools. Various state-supported institutions have been founded to support economic development. The Ministry of Trade and Industry implemented various tax incentives to attract foreign and local investments. However these measures have not had the expected effect. Namibia can learn few things from Mauritius, which has had basically the same historical development and economic composition. To ensure future investments in Namibia the government should consider the implementation of an investment tax, the implementation of an Unemployment Insurance Fund, and the support of unemployed people. The effect of HIV/AIDS will have a major impact on the economy of the country. The regional development will have a major effect on the national economy. The Southern African Development Community should create a regional currency, a standard economic and political structure and a free trade area. Such a regional development will have a positive effect on all national economies. Namibia has enough investment opportunities for national and foreign investors. Political and economical stability has to be maintained to ensure continuous future support of the investors. To fight poverty additional steps have to be taken so that within 20 years poverty in Namibia is not an issue anymore. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Republiek van Namibië het op 21 Maart 1990 onafhanklik geword. Die groot ekonomiese verskille tussen moderne Europese en ander ontwikkelde Afrikaanse sektore plaas die regering, die besigheids sektor en die inwoners voor 'n groot uitdaging. Groot verskille bestaan tussen inkomste, opvoeding, lewens omstandighede en verwagte lewensduur. Die ekonomie kan as stabiel beskryf word. Huidiglik handhaaf die regering 'n begrotingstekort van 23.5% van die Nasionale Bruto Binnelandse Produk. Die ekonomiese beleid kan as demokraties en oop beskryf word. Die wisselkoerse en rentekoerse word deur die mark bepaal. Die relatief hoë Gini koefisiënt van 0.7%, 'n werkloosheidspersentasie van 34% en 'n daling in die verwagte lewensduur stel die regering voor 'n groot uitdaging. Sedert onafhanklikheid het Namibië lid geword van talle streeks- en werêld organisasies. Hierdie organisasies ondersteun Namibië in verskillende ontwikkelingsprojekte, wat 'n stabiele ekonomie tot gevolg sal hê. Die samestelling van die bevolking van Namibië en die grootte van die land tesame met die natuurlike hulpbronne maak dit aanloklik vir groot fabrieke en industrieë. Die ontwikkeling van mikro en klein besighede is dus uiters belangrik. Namibië het 'n gesofistukeerde finansiële sektor in vergelyking met ander Afrika lande ontwikkel. Die Namibiese effektebeurs is 1992 in die lewe geroep en het tot die tweede grootste effektebeurs in Afrika ontwikkel. Skatkis briewe en regerings skuldbriewe is ingevoer as beleggings moontlikhede. Verskillende regerings en ondersteunende instansies het onstaan om ekonomiese ontwikkelling te bevorder. Die Ministerie van Handel en Ontwikkeling het verskillende belasting voordele geskep om buitelandse beleggers te trek. Tot op die huidige dag het hierdie voordele nie die gewensde effek gehad nie. Namibië kan baie van Mauritius leer, wat basies dieselfde historiese ontwikkeling gehad het en dieselfde ekonomiese samestelling het. Om toekomstige ontwikkeling te verseker, behoort die regering die implementering van 'n beleggersbelasting te oorweeg, sowel as 'n werkloosheidsversekeringsfonds om werklose mense te help ondersteun. Die effek van MIV/VIGS sal 'n groot uitwerking hê op die ekonomie van die land. Streeksontwikkeling in Suider-Afrika sal 'n groot effek op die ontwikkelling van die nasionale ekonomie hê. Die Suid Afrikaanse Ontwikkelings Vereniging behoort een gesamentlike geldeenheid, 'n standaard ekonomiese en politieke beleid te hê om 'n vrye handelssone te implementeer. Die streeksontwikkeling sal 'n positiewe effek op alle nasionale ekonomieë hê. Namibië het genoeg beleggingsmoontlikhede vir nasionale en buitelandse ontwikkellaars. Politieke en ekonomiese stabiliteit behoort gehandhaaf te word om toekomstige steun van beleggers te waarborg. Om armoede te bekamp, moet addisionele stappe geneem word om te verseker dat dit oor 20 jaar geen probleem meer sal wees nie.

This thesis analyses the different levels at which China’s presence in Namibia affects Namibia’s domestic politics and foreign policy from a constructivist viewpoint. Constructivist theory is used to examine the different perceptions of the Chinese in Namibia and how these inform Namibian politics and Sino-Namibian relations. These perceptions are formed at different levels of society in formal and informal relations, state-to-state, state-to-business,business-to-business and individual-to-group relations. The way in which perceptions of Chinese involvement in Namibia at the grassroots level of society differ from those at the top increasingly has an effect on domestic Namibian politics and, as such, Sino-Namibian relations. This identifies official and non-official perceptions of China’s political, economic and social presence to determine the effects of grassroots on China vis-à-vis official perceptions in Namibian politics and the effects of grassroots views on Namibian politics and on official views and state behaviour towards China and China’s presence in the country.

Thesis (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Revenue derived from the sales of diamonds contributes significantly towards economic growth, with a GDP share of about 10 per cent. A significant decline in diamond revenue will therefore affect economic growth and contributes negatively to the socio-economic upliftment of the Namibian nation. A case in point was the effects of the global financial crisis on the diamond industry. This study aims to analyse the impact of the global financial crisis on the diamond industry supply chain in the Namibian context. The supply chain analysis involves the studying of the whole chain from the mining of the ore into the chain to the delivering of the rough diamond to the cutting and polishing factories. The main sectors involved in the supply chain are the supply sector which is involved in the extracting of the ore from open-cast, underground, alluvial and sea-bed mines, processing the ore into rough diamonds ready for sorting. The processing sector is involved with maximising the value by undertaking valuations and sorting, which determine the price that is paid for the stones and the presentation sorting which is the process whereby diamonds are prepared for sale in line with clients’ polished requirements. The demand sector is involved in the sales and marketing of the rough diamonds. The following areas have been focused on to analyse the sectors: 1. The market competitiveness, using Porter’s 5-force analysis. 2. A SWOT analysis to determine internal and external environments of the respective sectors. 3. Trend reviews of the activity in each sector for the years 2000–2009. 4. The causes and the responses to the impact of the global financial crisis on each of the sectors. The aim of the analysis is to create a deeper insight into the forces and the impact these forces are having on the rough diamond supply chain. The research revealed that the 2007–2009 global financial crisis had a negative impact on the levels of diamond production in Namibia and also on the economic growth and the living standards of a number of retrenched workers. The study further reveals that despite the negative effects of the global financial crisis, there are positive signs of economic recovery and employment creation.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In the quest to attract foreign investments which is seen as one way of alleviating poverty by creating employment opportunities and earning foreign currency many countries have implemented the EPZ regime. Though the concept remains the same throughout the world, it has adopted different names depending on the country. In Mexico the EPZ's are called the "Maquiladoras" and in Bulgaria EPZ's are called Free Trade Zones. No matter the differences in names the concept is principally the same: EPZ is an enclave which operates outside the normal economic framework of the country. At independence Namibia faced a high unemployment rate and poverty. In 1995 the Namibian government passed the EPZ Act in order to pave the way for the development of EPZ industrial parks. The need for passing the EPZ Act was necessitated by the acute unemployment rate which the country faced at the time, which had the potential to threaten the political stability the country enjoyed. Thus, amongst other policy instruments, the EPZ Act was passed with the principle objective of attracting the much needed foreign investments which would result in creation of the needed employment opportunities. The government set a very ambitious target for the EPZ regime; it was expected that by 1999 the EPZ regime would have created about 25 000 job opportunities. Thus, the anticipated number of job opportunities was quite frequently used as a justification for the massive investments provided for the development of infrastructures in the EPZ industrial parks and hefty subsidies which were extended to some EPZ companies. It is important to note that unlike other countries who adopted the location-based EPZ model, Namibia has adopted a flexible EPZ model implying that a company which acquires the EPZ status is free to locate or set-up its facility anywhere in the country. In 2003 a Malaysian textile company called Ramatex closed its operations in South Africa and relocated to Namibia. In terms of employment creation the EPZ reached its peak in 2004 when about 10 057 persons / individuals were actively employed in the EPZ companies. Ramatex accounted for about 80% of the total of 10 057 EPZ jobs. Since 2004 the number of jobs in the Namibian EPZ regime started to decline at an alarming rate; at the end of 2007 there were only 5 248 people employed by the EPZ companies. Many times Ramatex threatened to close its operations, citing decline in the demand of its products and low productivity, but after some closed-door negotiations the government initially managed to convince it to continue its operation. Regrettably the success of the Namibian government to convince Ramatex to continue with its operation in Namibia was short-lived, when in the first quarter of 2008; the inevitable closure of Ramatex became a reality. The closure of Ramatex has resulted in the retrenchment of about 3 000 people. The overall performance of the Namibian EPZ regime leaves a lot to be desired. The Namibian EPZ regime so far failed to attract enough investments to create the anticipated job opportunities and to increase the export of manufactured goods. On a positive note, EPZ regime compelled the authority to invest in infrastructures which it might otherwise not have invested in. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die soeke na 'n wyse om buitelandse beleggings te trek as een van die maniere om armoede te verlig deur die skepping van werksgeleenthede en die verkryging van buitelandse valuta, het baie lande die EPZ-regime geimplementeer. Hoewel die konsep dwarsdeur die wereld dieselfde bly, het dit verskillende name in verskillende lande. In Meksiko word dit die UMaquiladoras' genoem en in Bulgarye is dit Vryehandelsones. Ongeag wat dit genoem word , bly die konsep in wese dieselfde: EPZ is 'n enklave wat buite die normale ekonomiese raamwerk van die land opereer. Toe Namibia onafhanklik geword het, het die land gebuk gegaan onder 'n hoe werkloosheidskoers en armoede. In 1995 het die Namibiese regering die Wet op EPZ uitgevaardig om ruimte te skep vir die ontwikkeling van EPZ-nywerheidsparke. Die akute werkloosheidskoers van die land op daardie tydstip het dit noodsaaklik gemaak dat hierdie wet uitgevaardig word, aangesien die werkloosheid potensieel die politieke stabiliteit in die land kon bedreig. As deel van ander politieke instrumente is die Wet op EPZ dus uitgevaardig, met as hoofdoelwit die 10k van broodnodige buitelandse beleggings wat sou lei tot die skepping van die ewe nodige werksgeleenthede. Die regering het 'n baie ambisieuse doelwit vir die EPZregime gestel; dit sou na verwagting teen 1999 nagenoeg 25 000 werksgeleenthede skep. Die verwagte getal werksgeleenthede is dus dikwels gebruik as regverdiging vir die massiewe beleggings wat voorsien is vir die ontwikkeling van die infrastrukture in die EPZ nywerheidsparke asook die groot subsidies toegestaan aan sommige EPZ-maatskappye. Dit is belangrik om daarop te let dat, anders as ander lande waar die EPZ-model plekgebonde was, Namibia 'n buigsame EPZ-model aanvaar het. Dit het geimpliseer dat 'n maatskappy wat EPZ-status verwerf het, sy fasiliteit enige plek in die land kon vestig. 'n Maleisiese tekstielmaatskappy met die naam Ramatex het in 2003 sy bedryf in Suid Afrika toegemaak en na Namibie verhuis. Sover dit die skepping van werksgeleenthede aangaan, het die EPZ in Namibie in 2004 sy hoogtepunt bereik, toe ongeveer 10 057 persone / individue aktief in diens van die EPZ-maatskappye was. Ramatex het ongeveer 80% van die totale 10057 EPZ-werksgeleenthede voorsien. Sedert 2004 het die getal werksgeleenthede in die Namibiese EPZ-regime teen 'n ontstellende koers afgeneem, sodat daar teen die einde van 2007 net 5248 mense in diens van die EPZ-maatskappye was. Ramatex het by verskeie geleenthede gedreig om sy bedrywighede te sluit weens die afname in die vraag na sy produkte en lae produktiwiteit, maar na onderhandelinge agter geslote deure het die regering aanvanklik daarin geslaag om Ramatex te oortuig om voort te gaan. Hierdie sukses van die Namibiese regering was ongelukkig van korte duur, aangesien die onafwendbare sluiting van Ramatex in die eerste kwartaal van 2008 werklikheid geword het. Die gevolg was die afdanking van ongeveer 3 000 mense. Die oorkoepelende prestasie van die Namibiese EPZ-regime is ver van bevredigend. Hierdie regime het tot nou toe nie daarin geslaag om genoeg beleggings te lok om die verwagte werksgeleenthede te skep en die uitvoer van vervaardigde produkte te verhoog nie. Aan die positiewe kant het die EPZ-regime die owerheid gedwing om te bele in infrastrukture waarin hulle andersins nie sou bele het nie.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / On October 1999 South Africa signed a historic TDCA with the European Union. The main objective of this agreement is to liberalise most trade between the two parties over time through a free trade agreement. Namibia as a member of SACU became automatically a de facto member of the SA-EU FTA. At the same time the EU concluded another 20-year agreement with the ACP countries effectively changing its traditional trade relationship with these countries. Namibia also being a member of the ACP group of countries finds itself in the middle of these two agreements. South Africa and the EU however opted to leave some of the sectors that are considered sensitive out of the free trade agreement in order to mitigate some of the adjustment costs likely to be faced by lesser-developed partners in SACU such as Namibia. Beef is one of those sensitive sectors as it is the main Namibian agricultural export to both the EU and South Africa. The fisheries sector likewise contributes a lot to Namibia's export earnings and the fact South Africa and the EU are negotiating for a fisheries agreement could mean a change in Namibia's competitive position in this sector. The impact that these two agreements will have on the beef sector is not very significant or at least manageable at this stage. The impact on the fisheries sector is mainly uncertain at this stage in the absence of an EU-SA fisheries agreement. The major impact of the SA-EU FTA will be on government revenues, which rely heavily on receipts from the SACU common revenue pool. The SADC has also started its regional economic integration process, which the EU hopes to be a move towards a REPA with which it hopes to do business as part of the new Cotonou Agreement. However the vast disparities in economic development between the EU and SADC does not favour such a move. The benefits will most probably accrue to the EU and the costs to SADC countries, especially those countries that are not part of SACU. It is important that if the new Cotonou Agreement is to be mutually beneficial steps need to be taken to strengthen the industrial and export capacities of the ACP countries. Otherwise this wave of globalisation will be nothing but a zero sum game.