Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2001. / Thesis advisor(s):Robert Edward Looney, Tjarck G. Roessler. "December 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 154-161). Also available in print.

This thesis focuses on two case studies of 'air transport liberalisation' and tests the effect of 'elite' and 'non-elite' air transport interests on the Proposal making dynamics of the European Commission. The hypotheses test whether the properties of 'liberal intergovernmentalism' (the domination by 'elite interests' at the national level), are reflected in the behaviour of the Commission when formulating its Proposals; this new form of liberal intergovernmentalism is defined as a neo-liberal intergovernmentalism. The hypotheses also test whether an 'elite accommodation' is necessary within interest groups in order for their positions to successfully affect Commission actions. Furthermore, the thesis examines the relevance of the decision making formula within groups, and its subsequent relationship to Commission conduct. The thesis finds that there exist substantial differences in the responses to 'elite interests' within the Commission between DGVII, the transport Directorate and DGIV, the competition Directorate. DGIV is also the unique quasi-judicial arm of the Commission. The thesis finds that a neo-liberal intergovernmentalism indeed exists when one focuses on the role of DGVII, but does not exist when one focuses on the role of DGIV. Furthermore, the thesis finds that the decision making within groups, and their adherence to 'elites within the group' plays a substantial role in determining the position of DGVII, but not in determining the position of DGIV. However, the thesis also finds that the path which DGIV needs to follow in order to pursue its goals, because of its reliance on the College of Commissioners to take 'official' action, is affected by the hypotheses. Crucially however, the thesis also finds that DGIV has an array of options with which to pursue its goals, (if it does not gain the support of a majority of the College), which are considerably beyond what the Member States, and their composite 'elite interests' may be content with.

The aim of this study is an analysis of the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) management of the non-intervention and non-indifference dichotomy during its mediation in Zimbabwe. Non-intervention and non-indifference are inherently mutually exclusive hence the idea of tension between them. The institutional configuration of SADC, at the ideational level, is such that it encompasses commitment to sovereign equality and non-intervention and also to intervention in the interest of advancing regional stability, peace and security. Clearly, an uncertainty arises pertaining to the (supposed) relationship of these competing commitments; which concept or idea assumes precedence in an event of regional conflict or crisis that threatens regional stability? Additionally, the AU norm of non-indifference, which emerged in the aftermath of the deadly internecine conflict that engulfed Rwanda in 1994, has been embraced by SADC. SADC opted for mediation in Zimbabwe which paradoxically allowed it to manage and mitigate the tension between non-intervention and non-indifference. The mediation process produced the GPA in 2008 that subsequently led to the establishment of the power sharing government, the GNU, in 2009. As the guarantor of the GPA, SADC was involved in facilitating the implementation of the agreement. During this stage of its mediation intervention in Zimbabwe, clashes centred on non-intervention and non-indifference frequently occurred. In particular, President Mugabe was often at loggerheads with SADC over its involvement in Zimbabwe, occasionally accusing the organisation of undermining the country’s sovereignty. Despite Mugabe occasionally undermining the GPA, as was seen with his tendency to unilaterally appoint allies in strategic positions within the state for example, SADC did not change its stance on the question of the method of intervention in Zimbabwe. The use of mediation which is a peaceable method of intervention allowed SADC to manage the tension that naturally exists between non-intervention and non-indifference during its conflict resolution role in Zimbabwe. / Thesis (PhD (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2020. / UP Doctoral Research Bursary / Political Sciences / PhD (International Relations) / Unrestricted

<p>An elementary precondition for the EU Member States to act coherently in the field of foreign policy is to reach a common standpoint on particular issues of the CFSP. Due to the intergovernmental character of decision-making in the sphere of the CFSP, the Member States reach a common position primarily through negotiations. In this regard the thesis focuses on an analysis of the EC/U Member States negotiations about two politically highly controversial foreign policy issues – the Yugoslav recognition crisis of 1991 and the Iraqi crisis of 2002/2003.</p><p>Developing a theoretical model of analysis based on merging Moravcsik’s liberal intergovernmentalism and negotiation analysis the author seeks to examine and explain the outcomes of these negotiations, while emphasising the necessity to view negotiation as a process throughout which a variation in certain factors can occur and hence influence the outcomes of negotiation in a decisive way.</p>

An elementary precondition for the EU Member States to act coherently in the field of foreign policy is to reach a common standpoint on particular issues of the CFSP. Due to the intergovernmental character of decision-making in the sphere of the CFSP, the Member States reach a common position primarily through negotiations. In this regard the thesis focuses on an analysis of the EC/U Member States negotiations about two politically highly controversial foreign policy issues – the Yugoslav recognition crisis of 1991 and the Iraqi crisis of 2002/2003. Developing a theoretical model of analysis based on merging Moravcsik’s liberal intergovernmentalism and negotiation analysis the author seeks to examine and explain the outcomes of these negotiations, while emphasising the necessity to view negotiation as a process throughout which a variation in certain factors can occur and hence influence the outcomes of negotiation in a decisive way.

In the period of post-Cold War, regional integration is one of the most important trend of international politics, European Union (EU) is the most successful example at present. The EU enlargement to Central and Eastern European countries is a new challenge for itself to run the regional organization. The old EU members would conflict with new EU members for their own advantages. Central and Eastern European countries have broken away from Russia¡¦s control, and expect its modernization will be enhanced by accession to the EU, but the conditions of EU in the area of politics and economy must be reached by Central and Eastern European countries. In this thesis the EU enlargement will be analyzed by Neo-functionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism.

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This thesis explores the factors that explain varying degrees of coherence in European Union (EU) crisis management and draws implications for its role as an international security actor. The analysis starts from the assumption that coherence is a function of competing and conflicting interests and norms. The influence and interaction of these factors across governance levels are viewed through two theoretical lenses: liberal intergovernmentalism and sociological institutionalism. Derived hypotheses are evaluated through a comparative case study design, focused on three instances of crisis management in Africa, namely Libya (2011), Somalia (2011-2012), and Mali (2012-2013). The analysis traces the activities and interaction of EU institutional actors and member states, with a focus on France, the United Kingdom (UK), and Germany. It suggests that the degree of coherence in EU crisis management is contingent on the congruence of domestic economic and electoral interests, as well as national threat perceptions. But it also depends on the extent to which EU-level coherence norms resonate with national norms on the use of force and preferred modes of multilateral cooperation. The study identifies scope conditions for the interaction of interests and norms: if economic and electoral stakes are high and calculable, interest-based calculation prevails. If, instead, decision-makers are faced with low stakes and uncertainty, embedded national norms are more likely to shape their behaviour. The Union thus represents a rather unpredictable security actor, whose multi-level coherence depends on the context-specific balance between domestically defined interests, stakes, and salient norms.

Regional integration continues to be a source of inspiration due to the economic benefits associated with a country belonging to a regional organisation. The African continent is no exception with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) taking note of such cooperation with exceeding attention. Its predecessor, the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC), was formed in 1980 and one of its most important goals was to economically integrate the Southern African region in order to improve the economic situation of its Member States. The transformation of the SADCC to the SADC in 1992 led to a much stronger SADC which was complimented further by the ratification of the SADC Protocol on Trade in 2000 and most importantly by the establishment of the Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (RISDP) in 2001 through an Intergovernmental approach. The RISDP is seen as the most effective mechanism by the SADC to fully integrate the SADC effectively and is this study’s unit of analysis, as part of this study’s research strategy which is a case study methodology, under a qualitative research design which has been adopted for this study. However, this study notes that the RISDP is being poorly implemented by SADC Member States, as clearly stated in this study’s aim, and key examples include missing set milestones such as the formation of the SADC Customs Union in 2010. The focus on a customs union is essential as it will increase intraregional trade as this study believes that it will be the catalyst in truly economically integrating the SADC region. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Political Sciences / MA / Unrestricted

European integration has been a widely discussed topic within political science since the creation of the EU. In recent years, signs of disintegration have been observed due to widespread euroscepticism, major crises and public discontent. Simultaneously, cross-border terrorism has become an acute issue for the EU with terror attacks being executed in several member states. This study examines the development of European integration in counterterrorism from 2014 to 2017 to determine if integration in this field has continued or halted. Two traditional integration theories, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovern­mentalism, are applied to understand the driving factors for the European integration process in this field. The results show that European integration in counterterrorism has persisted, and even accelerated in the aftermath of recent terror attacks. The driving factors for this development can be explained by a combination of the applied theories, but the framework of neofunctionalism is unexpectedly strong.