Thesis advisor: James E. Cronin / Thesis advisor: Seth Jacobs / Under the banner of a New International Economic Order (NIEO), in the 1970s a coalition of developing countries forced the U.S. and other rich nations to revisit the terms of the post-World War II economic settlement through comprehensive global negotiations. This dissertation argues that this economic showdown reshaped U.S. foreign policy and made global inequality a major threat to American national security. Using newly available sources from presidential libraries, the personal papers of cabinet members and ambassadors, and interviews with former National Security Council officials, it demonstrates how the NIEO and accompanying “North-South dialogue” negotiations became an inflection point for some of the greatest economic, political, and moral crises of the 1970s, including the end of “Golden Age” liberalism and the return of the market, the splintering of the Democratic Party and the building of the Reagan coalition, and the role of human rights in foreign policy. U.S. policy debates and decisions in the North-South dialogue, it concludes, were pivotal moments in the histories of three ideological trends—neoliberalism, neoconservatism, and human rights—that would form the core of America’s post-Cold War foreign policy. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

The dissertation addresses the causes and consequences of the 1973-1974 energy crisis. A new postcolonial concept of sovereignty, "permanent sovereignty over natural resources," challenged the structure of the international economy in the early 1950s. The proponents of permanent sovereignty identified the relationship between the industrial nations and raw material producers as a vestige of empire. By gaining control over national resources, Third World leaders hoped to reset the relationship between the developing and developed nations. The concept of permanent sovereignty authenticated new definitions and goals of decolonization and statehood. A new middle ground between U.S. diplomacy and Third World economic thought emerged in international oil politics. Chapters on the 1967 Arab oil embargo, Saudi and Iranian demands in the wake of imperial Britain's Persian Gulf withdrawal, the legal battles over the Iraqi Ba'ath regime's nationalized oil, and the reverberating effects of newly radical Libyan politics, explain how members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) remade permanent sovereignty between 1967 to 1972. OPEC underscored the salience of permanent sovereignty in the international political economy, but it also undermined it. The built-in tension culminated in the 1973-1974 energy crisis. The final chapters discuss how the impregnable sovereignty preached by OPEC and its transnational backers in the New International Economic Order engendered a strategic response from the United States: neoliberal diplomacy. OPEC's cartel politics became a scapegoat for policymakers who simplified and codified neoclassical economic ideas. Market-centered reform developed into an analytical refuge in the political-economic wreckage of the energy crisis. American strategy toward the International Monetary Fund and the United Nations reveal that neoliberal diplomacy became widely influential in U.S. foreign policy. / text

Como produto da prática mercantil, a cláusula da nação mais favorecida (CNMF) é um fenômeno jurídico complexo. Enquanto sua estrutura variante não é passível de padronização, por se adaptar às necessidades da sociedade internacional em cada momento histórico, seu núcleo funcional permanece imutável. Na ordem econômica internacional, a descentralização do poder político provoca desconfianças nos agentes econômicos, resultando em um permanente estado de guarda e competitividade predatória. Para assegurar maior estabilidade às expectativas normativas, os Estados celebram tratados, a fim de alterar tais percepções, conferindo durabilidade às relações econômicas internacionais. Resultado da configuração contemporânea da governança econômica internacional, a Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) simboliza a consolidação das expectativas normativas dos atores internacionais em torno do sistema multilateral de comércio (SMC). A OMC tem a função de consolidar o SMC, garantindo a posição de autoridade para corrigir as numerosas lacunas e antinomias jurídicas e reforçar a eficácia social, mediante a atuação de seu Órgão de Solução de Controvérsias (OSC). O SMC é um ordenamento jurídico, com lógica própria e princípios e regras específicos, que disciplina o mercado globalizado, cuja origem remonta à celebração do Acordo Geral sobre Tarifas e Comércio (GATT) em 1947. Prevista no artigo I:1 do GATT, a CNMF positiva o princípio da não discriminação, tendo por finalidade sistêmica desempenhar um papel dinâmico e integrado, ao: (i) assegurar transparência e dispersão de conhecimento; (ii) promover a cooperação internacional, a fim de eliminar ou reduzir, reciprocamente, as barreiras às trocas comerciais; (iii) vedar as práticas e instrumentos discriminatórios e protecionistas, tendo por função estender, automática, multilateral e incondicionalmente, as vantagens concedidas; e (iv) conservar as expectativas normativas, mediante a incorporação dos compromissos negociados ao SMC. Contudo, a proliferação de acordos preferenciais de comércio e de medidas protecionistas e discriminatórias pelos Estados-membros tem ameaçado o SMC de desautorização. Por recorrerem a exceções válidas à CNMF, esses fenômenos permitem a formação de relações discriminatórias e protecionistas, o que impacta negativamente as expectativas normativas dos agentes econômicos, ameaçando a função unificadora de sentido da CNMF, cujo resultado é a erosão da ideia de livre-mercado mundial. As reiteradas quebras de expectativas implicam problemas de coesão e eficácia normativa ao SMC, os quais são denominados desafios sistêmicos. Com efeito, o SMC sofre um processo de desestruturação, causado pela tensionada interação das dimensões ideacional e fática. Isso exige um controle de legalidade e de licitude dos atos jurídicos e das práticas dos Estados-membros. Em face desses desafios sistêmicos, a dissertação verifica se o artigo I:1 permanece como regra determinante para a decidibilidade do OSC. Para responder adequadamente, empregam-se os métodos analítico, hermenêutico e argumentativo, com um enfoque essencialmente dogmático, dentro de um ângulo crítico zetético. Ao fim da investigação, constata-se que a CNMF vem se consolidando como regra determinante para a construção do discurso jurídico-decisório pelo OSC. A confirmação jurisprudencial da imperatividade e da eficácia normativa do artigo I:1 reverbera reflexamente sobre os desafios sistêmicos, tendo o poderoso efeito de simbolizar a preferibilidade da incidência da CNMF sobre as relações econômicas internacionais. / As a product of commercial practice, the most-favored-nation clause (\"MFN\") is a complex legal phenomenon. While its variable structure is not subject to standardization, since it adapts to the needs of international society in each historical moment, its functional core remains unchanged. In the international economic order, the decentralization of political power leads to distrust of the economic agents, resulting in a permanent state of awareness and predatory competition. To ensure greater stability to the normative expectations, States enter into treaties in order to change such perceptions, providing durability to international economic relations. Result of the contemporary configuration of international economic governance, the World Trade Organization (\"WTO\") symbolizes the consolidation of the normative expectations of international actors around the multilateral trading system (\"MTS\"). The WTO has the mission of consolidating the MTS, ensuring a position of authority to correct the many shortcomings and antinomies of law and strengthen the social effectiveness through its Dispute Settlement Body (\"DSB\"). The MTS is a legal system, with its own logic and specific principles and rules, which regulates the globalized market, and has its origins in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1947. Set forth in Article I:1 of the GATT, the MFN establishes the principle of non-discrimination and has the systemic purpose of playing an integrated and dynamic role as it: (i) ensures transparency and dissemination of knowl edge,(ii) promotes international cooperation, by eliminating or reducing reciprocal barriers to trade, (iii) deters discriminatory and protectionist practices and instruments, being its function to extend, automatically, multilaterally and unconditionally, the benefits provided, and (iv) maintains the normative expectations, through the incorporation of negotiated concessions to the MTS. However, the proliferation of preferential trade agreements and protectionist and discriminatory measures by the member states has threatened the MTS of disempowerment. By resorting to MFNs valid exceptions, these phenomena allow the formation of discriminatory and protectionist relationships, which negatively impacts the normative expectations of economic agents, and threatening the harmonizing function of MFN; the result of which is the erosion of the global free market idea. Repeated breaches of expectations result in problems of cohesion and normative effectiveness of the MTS, which are called systemic challenges. Indeed, the MTS undergoes a process of disintegration, caused by the tensioned interaction of ideational and factual dimensions. This requires a control of legality and legitimacy of legal acts and practices of the member States. Given these systemic challenges, the dissertation verifies if Article I:1 remains the rule for determining the decidability of the DSB. In order to properly answer that, analytical, hermeneutic and argumentative methods are employed, with a primarily dogmatic focus, within a zetetic critical angle. By the end of the investigation, its stated that the MFN is becoming the consolidated rule for determining the construction of the legal and decision making discourse of the DSB. The confirmation from case law of the imperative nature and of the normative effectiveness of Article I:1 reverberates reflexively on the systemic challenges, having the powerful effect of symbolizing the desirability of MFN impact on international economic relations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VINICIUS OLIVEIRA DE ALMEIDA.pdf: 1254317 bytes, checksum: d75f762facb83b11b76c4dff67cd3395 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-03 / This work is linked to the research line International Relations from the Postgraduate Program in Law, International Relations and Development, at the Catholic University of Goiás, and it analyzes the influence of the International Economic Order in the industrialization development policy in the automotive sector at the State of Goiás, using as main tool the exemption of tax on Goods and Services (ICMS). It starts from the hypothesis that, despite the international economic order influence in the value system of the regional legislation, is possible that the State of Goiás adopt development emancipatory values in its policy of attracting companies that operate in the automotive sector. The central idea is that the state legislation that benefits these companies is structured under the legal regime of tax incentives, conditioning the use of the ICMS exemption to the fulfillment of positive actions mainly in the economic and social areas. The legal framework of development programs for the industrialization of Goiás can form compatible balance with the development principles covered by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States of 1974, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations, concuring, therefore, to promote developmentemancipation which is the one capable of removing deprivations of liberty, that in its turn is able to limit choices and opportunities for people to exercise their status as citizens. The methodology used to demonstrate the hypothesis will be examining the different theories of International Relations from which it will infer their consequences, discover its causes and prove its implications in the development programs to the industrialization of the automotive sector in the State of Goiás. / Este trabalho vincula-se à linha de pesquisa "Relações Internacionais" do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, Relações Internacionais e Desenvolvimento da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás e analisa a influência da Ordem Econômica Internacional na política de desenvolvimento a industrialização do setor automobilístico no Estado de Goiás que utiliza como principal instrumento a desoneração do Imposto sobre Circulação de Mercadorias e Serviços (ICMS). Parte-se da hipótese de que, apesar da Ordem Econômica Internacional influenciar o sistema de valores da legislação regional, é possível que o Estado de Goiás adote valores emancipatórios de desenvolvimento na sua política de atração de empresas que atuam no setor automobilístico. A ideia central é que a legislação estadual que beneficia estas empresas se estrutura sob o regime jurídico dos incentivos fiscais, condicionando a utilização da desoneração do ICMS ao cumprimento de ações positivas principalmente na área econômica e social. O arcabouço jurídico dos programas de desenvolvimento a industrialização de Goiás pode formar um equilíbrio compatível com os princípios do desenvolvimento contemplados na Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos de 1948 e na Carta dos Direitos e Deveres Econômicos dos Estados de 1974 aprovadas pela Assembléia Geral das Nações Unidas contribuindo, portanto, para a promoção do desenvolvimento-emancipação que é aquele capaz de eliminar as privações de liberdade capazes de limitar as escolhas e as oportunidades das pessoas de exercer sua condição de cidadão. A metodologia utilizada para demonstrar a hipótese será a análise das diferentes teorias das Relações Internacionais a partir das quais se deduzirão as suas consequências, descobrirão suas causas e provarão suas implicações nos programas desenvolvimento à industrialização do setor automobilístico no Estado de Goiás.

Como produto da prática mercantil, a cláusula da nação mais favorecida (CNMF) é um fenômeno jurídico complexo. Enquanto sua estrutura variante não é passível de padronização, por se adaptar às necessidades da sociedade internacional em cada momento histórico, seu núcleo funcional permanece imutável. Na ordem econômica internacional, a descentralização do poder político provoca desconfianças nos agentes econômicos, resultando em um permanente estado de guarda e competitividade predatória. Para assegurar maior estabilidade às expectativas normativas, os Estados celebram tratados, a fim de alterar tais percepções, conferindo durabilidade às relações econômicas internacionais. Resultado da configuração contemporânea da governança econômica internacional, a Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) simboliza a consolidação das expectativas normativas dos atores internacionais em torno do sistema multilateral de comércio (SMC). A OMC tem a função de consolidar o SMC, garantindo a posição de autoridade para corrigir as numerosas lacunas e antinomias jurídicas e reforçar a eficácia social, mediante a atuação de seu Órgão de Solução de Controvérsias (OSC). O SMC é um ordenamento jurídico, com lógica própria e princípios e regras específicos, que disciplina o mercado globalizado, cuja origem remonta à celebração do Acordo Geral sobre Tarifas e Comércio (GATT) em 1947. Prevista no artigo I:1 do GATT, a CNMF positiva o princípio da não discriminação, tendo por finalidade sistêmica desempenhar um papel dinâmico e integrado, ao: (i) assegurar transparência e dispersão de conhecimento; (ii) promover a cooperação internacional, a fim de eliminar ou reduzir, reciprocamente, as barreiras às trocas comerciais; (iii) vedar as práticas e instrumentos discriminatórios e protecionistas, tendo por função estender, automática, multilateral e incondicionalmente, as vantagens concedidas; e (iv) conservar as expectativas normativas, mediante a incorporação dos compromissos negociados ao SMC. Contudo, a proliferação de acordos preferenciais de comércio e de medidas protecionistas e discriminatórias pelos Estados-membros tem ameaçado o SMC de desautorização. Por recorrerem a exceções válidas à CNMF, esses fenômenos permitem a formação de relações discriminatórias e protecionistas, o que impacta negativamente as expectativas normativas dos agentes econômicos, ameaçando a função unificadora de sentido da CNMF, cujo resultado é a erosão da ideia de livre-mercado mundial. As reiteradas quebras de expectativas implicam problemas de coesão e eficácia normativa ao SMC, os quais são denominados desafios sistêmicos. Com efeito, o SMC sofre um processo de desestruturação, causado pela tensionada interação das dimensões ideacional e fática. Isso exige um controle de legalidade e de licitude dos atos jurídicos e das práticas dos Estados-membros. Em face desses desafios sistêmicos, a dissertação verifica se o artigo I:1 permanece como regra determinante para a decidibilidade do OSC. Para responder adequadamente, empregam-se os métodos analítico, hermenêutico e argumentativo, com um enfoque essencialmente dogmático, dentro de um ângulo crítico zetético. Ao fim da investigação, constata-se que a CNMF vem se consolidando como regra determinante para a construção do discurso jurídico-decisório pelo OSC. A confirmação jurisprudencial da imperatividade e da eficácia normativa do artigo I:1 reverbera reflexamente sobre os desafios sistêmicos, tendo o poderoso efeito de simbolizar a preferibilidade da incidência da CNMF sobre as relações econômicas internacionais. / As a product of commercial practice, the most-favored-nation clause (\"MFN\") is a complex legal phenomenon. While its variable structure is not subject to standardization, since it adapts to the needs of international society in each historical moment, its functional core remains unchanged. In the international economic order, the decentralization of political power leads to distrust of the economic agents, resulting in a permanent state of awareness and predatory competition. To ensure greater stability to the normative expectations, States enter into treaties in order to change such perceptions, providing durability to international economic relations. Result of the contemporary configuration of international economic governance, the World Trade Organization (\"WTO\") symbolizes the consolidation of the normative expectations of international actors around the multilateral trading system (\"MTS\"). The WTO has the mission of consolidating the MTS, ensuring a position of authority to correct the many shortcomings and antinomies of law and strengthen the social effectiveness through its Dispute Settlement Body (\"DSB\"). The MTS is a legal system, with its own logic and specific principles and rules, which regulates the globalized market, and has its origins in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1947. Set forth in Article I:1 of the GATT, the MFN establishes the principle of non-discrimination and has the systemic purpose of playing an integrated and dynamic role as it: (i) ensures transparency and dissemination of knowl edge,(ii) promotes international cooperation, by eliminating or reducing reciprocal barriers to trade, (iii) deters discriminatory and protectionist practices and instruments, being its function to extend, automatically, multilaterally and unconditionally, the benefits provided, and (iv) maintains the normative expectations, through the incorporation of negotiated concessions to the MTS. However, the proliferation of preferential trade agreements and protectionist and discriminatory measures by the member states has threatened the MTS of disempowerment. By resorting to MFNs valid exceptions, these phenomena allow the formation of discriminatory and protectionist relationships, which negatively impacts the normative expectations of economic agents, and threatening the harmonizing function of MFN; the result of which is the erosion of the global free market idea. Repeated breaches of expectations result in problems of cohesion and normative effectiveness of the MTS, which are called systemic challenges. Indeed, the MTS undergoes a process of disintegration, caused by the tensioned interaction of ideational and factual dimensions. This requires a control of legality and legitimacy of legal acts and practices of the member States. Given these systemic challenges, the dissertation verifies if Article I:1 remains the rule for determining the decidability of the DSB. In order to properly answer that, analytical, hermeneutic and argumentative methods are employed, with a primarily dogmatic focus, within a zetetic critical angle. By the end of the investigation, its stated that the MFN is becoming the consolidated rule for determining the construction of the legal and decision making discourse of the DSB. The confirmation from case law of the imperative nature and of the normative effectiveness of Article I:1 reverberates reflexively on the systemic challenges, having the powerful effect of symbolizing the desirability of MFN impact on international economic relations.

Магистерской диссертация анализируются дискуссии в ООН по вопросу способов и методов стимулирования экономического развития стран, получивших независимость в ходе процессов деколонизации. Отношения между индустриально развитыми и освободившимися обострились на фоне биполярного противостояния. В работе характеризуется деятельность ООН в рамках декады развития, а также работа Конференции ООН по торговле и развитию (ЮНКДАД). Автор формулирует причины неудач и ограничений в деятельности ООН по стимулированию развития в 1950-1960-е гг. и обстановку зарождения инициативы Нового мирового экономического порядка, которая предусматривала слом существующей системы. Автор анализирует дискуссию о НМЭП на специальной сессии Генеральной Ассамблеи и на заседаниях Экономического и социального совета ООН, а также характеризует попытки реализации Хартии экономических прав и обязанностей государств. Опираясь на численное большинство, развивающиеся страны смогли в целом добиться принятия необходимых резолюций, однако развитые страны, обдающие экономическим влиянием, успешно блокировали их реализацию. С началом неолиберальных преобразований в США и странах Западной Европы проект НМЭП потерял свою актуальность. / The master's thesis gives an overview of the discussions at the UN on the issue of stimulating the economic development of countries that emerged due to the process of decolonization. Relations between the developed and the developing countries constantly deteriorated because of a bipolar confrontation. The first part of the work focuses on the activities of the United Nations in the framework of the UN development decade, as well as the initiatives of the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). The author formulates the reasons for the failures and limitations in the UN activities to stimulate development in the 1950s-1960s and the setting in which the New International Economic Order (INEO) initiative was born. The author analyzes the discussion about the INEO at a special session of the General Assembly and at meetings of the UN Economic and Social Council and also characterizes attempts to implement the UN Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. Due to the numerical majority, developing countries were able to generally achieve the adoption of the necessary resolutions, but developed countries, possessing economic influence, successfully blocked implementation of the INEO initiatives. Start of neoliberal transformations in the United States and Western Europe had led to the decline of interest to the INEO project.

Les ressources naturelles sont au cœur de dynamiques contradictoires. Alors qu'elles sont essentielles à la reproduction des sociétés et du vivant, l'organisation actuelle de l'économie mondiale tend à les subordonner principalement à des logiques d'accumulation. Outre que ces dernières ne prennent pas suffisamment en compte les limites physiques au sein desquelles l'humanité évolue, elles entraînent à diverses échelles des inégalités problématiques sur les plans social et écologique. L'ordre économique international actuel tend en effet à générer des phénomènes d'échange écologique inégal qui nuisent au développement des pays producteurs et exportateurs de matières premières, ainsi qu'aux populations et écosystèmes les plus vulnérables en leur sein. Le monde tropical est exemplaire de telles contradictions, concentrant parmi les plus importantes ressources de la biosphère – notamment en matière de biodiversité – ainsi que des milieux socio-écologiques particulièrement fragilisés. Face à des visions et logiques économicistes d'exploitation des ressources, qui s'inscrivent dans la longue durée historique, et trouvent des relais dans les structures juridico-politiques du système économique mondial, il importe de repenser le concept même de ressource naturelle. Il s'agit en effet de redonner toute leur place aux dimensions sociales et écologiques dans les processus de gestion et d'exploitation des ressources. Cela implique une réflexion sur les valeurs qui guident les interactions avec la nature et les relations économiques internationales, afin que la solidarité, la complémentarité et la justice deviennent des priorités. / Natural resources are in the midst of contradictory dynamics. While they are essential to the reproduction of societies and life, actual organization of the world economy subordinates them to logics of accumulation. In addition to the fact that these logics don't take into account (consider) the physical limits inside of which humanity evolves, they induce problematic socio-ecological inequalities at different scales. Indeed, actual international economic order tends to generate ecologically unequal exchanges, which disrupt the development of primary exporting countries and threaten the most vulnerable populations and ecosystems inside of them.Tropics are the typical context in which such contradictions develop themselves. Actually, this part of the world concentrates some of the most important resources for the biosphere – such as biodiversity – but also highly fragilized socio-ecological environments.To confront economistic views and logics of resources exploitation, which are the product of the longue durée, and find support in the juridical and political structures of the world economic system, it is critical to rethink the very concept of natural resources. Social and ecological dimensions should be put back at the heart of natural resources management and exploitation process. Such an approach necessitates thinking about the values that guide interactions with nature and international economic relations, so that solidarity, complementarity and justice become priorities.