Can there be an order of the international system? This article discusses different alternatives of international order starting with the realist assumption of peace by deterrence or balance of power, turning to the idealist view of international cooperation. Finally, the author provides deeper insights into the concept of order established by a hegemonic power including a broad set of historical case studies.

Manlio Brosio è stato l’unico italiano a ricoprire il ruolo di Segretario Generale della NATO, il quarto in carica dalla fondazione dell’Alleanza, per sette lunghi anni (1964-’71). Durante gli anni della sua guida, l’Alleanza Atlantica dovette fronteggiare alcune fra le più cruciali sfide, a cominciare dal ritiro della Francia gaullista. Da quel momento di potenziale crisi si originarono tuttavia due differenti processi: la riorganizzazione e il trasferimento delle sedi NATO da Parigi a Bruxelles, e, soprattutto, il ripensamento politico dell’Alleanza, a mezzo dello studio che prese il nome di “Esercizio Harmel”. Brosio stesso confessava i propri dubbi circa la capacità della NATO di “sopravvivere alla détente”, a cominciare dai pensieri e timori puntualmente affidati ai suoi diari. Dopo aver tracciato l’evoluzione del pensiero brosiano, intrecciata alla sua carriera diplomatica, la tesi si focalizza poi sull’esame di come il torinese abbia affrontato il ruolo di Segretario Generale, “con coscienza atlantica e cuore italiano”. Instancabile nel suo lavoro, traghettò l’Alleanza in salvo dalla crisi, con una fine ricerca del consenso politico all’interno del Consiglio Atlantico. Con metodo e serietà che gli furono ampiamente riconosciuti, fu in grado di evitare che l’Alleanza “mantenesse il proprio guscio ma perdesse la sostanza”. / Manlio Brosio was the only Italian NATO Secretary General; he was the fourth in charge, from August 1964 through September 1971, his office being one of the longest so far. During Brosio’s seven-year term, the Atlantic Alliance had to face some of the most crucial challenges since its foundation, the first being the withdrawal of the Gaullist France from the military integrated structure, in 1966. Two different processes originated from that moment of potential crisis: the reorganisation and transferral of the NATO Headquarters from Paris to Brussels, and the political rethinking of the Alliance as a whole, through the study which goes under the name of Harmel Report. Projecting the Alliance on the new international framework of improved East-West relations, the Secretary General himself was reflecting upon the key-question “Will NATO survive détente?”; indeed, in his personal diaries (all now published) Brosio revealed his own doubts, fears and sense of inadequacy for the tasks ahead. Having retraced the evolution of Brosio’s political thought and career, the work then focuses on how he approached his difficult position, always honouring his “Atlantic conscience alongside an Italian heart”. Untiring in his work, he steered the Alliance through and out of the potential crisis, always striving to reach consensus in any decision taken during the Council meetings; his seriousness and meticulous method have been widely acknowledged. He finally managed to preserve the fundamental “political ingredient” of the Alliance and to avoid that it “maintain its shell but lose its essence”.

Orientador: Héctor Luis Saint-Pierre / Banca: Miriam Gomes Saraiva / Banca: Luis Fernando Ayerbe / Banca: Suzeley Kalil Mathias / Banca: Samuel Alves Soares / Resumo: O presente trabalho busca compreender as relações do Brasil com a Argentina, no campo da Defesa, durante os dois mandatos do Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), por meio de reflexão sobre condicionantes históricas e conjunturais. Entre as condicionantes históricas trabalhadas, destacam-se, primeiramente, a convivência entre padrões de rivalidade e cooperação, e o atrelamento da cooperação a propósitos utilitaristas, por parte da diplomacia brasileira. Em seguida, os apanágios do processo decisório da política exterior do Brasil - o qual é caracterizado pela desarticulação institucional entre diplomatas e militares e, pela ausência de debate parlamentar nos assuntos referentes à Defesa cooperativa - são tratados como responsáveis pela falta da organicidade salutar ao bom funcionamento de vínculos cooperativos. Por fim, elencam as condicionantes conjunturais, as respostas lançadas pelos formuladores de política externa do Brasil, no período eleito, aos desafios do contexto internacional e às demandas internas e regionais. As fontes pesquisadas são diversas, partindo desde documentos discursivos, passando por entrevistas, e chegando a correspondências da chancelaria brasileira, disponíveis no arquivo histórico do Itamaraty / Abstract: This study seeks to understand the relations between Brazil and Argentina, in the Defense's field, during the two terms of Fernando Henrique Cardoso government (1995-2002), through the comprehension about historical and situational conditionals. Among the historical conditionals, we highlight, in first place, the coexistence of rivalry and cooperation patterns and, mainly, the prevalence of a utilitarian vision that guides the Brazilian diplomacy, in the international cooperation. In addition, the particularities of the Brazil's decision-making process involving foreign policy - which is characterized by the separation between diplomats and militaries, and in other hand, by the lack of parliamentary debate on matters relating to cooperation in the defense field - are ascribed to the lack of institutionalization of regional cooperative ties. Finally, we discuss the responses from the policymakers in Brazil to the international constraints, the domestic and regional demands. The analysis presented is based on the content of official discursive documents, interviews and diplomatic correspondence / Doutor

Le Séistan est une région semi désertique située entre l’est de l’Iran et l’ouest de l’Afghanistan. Le territoire fut habité de la préhistoire jusqu’à aujourd’hui. C’est pourquoi les savants européens et américains s’y intéressèrent dès les premières années du XXe siècle, période d’intense exploration de l’Asie centrale. La Délégation archéologique française en Iran (DAIFI), créée en 1900, puis la Délégation archéologique Française en Afghanistan (DAFA) créée en 1923, exerçaient un monopole officiel qui comprenait le Séistan. Cependant des missions allemandes, britanniques, italiennes et américaines explorèrent la région avant et après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Certains sites jugés particulièrement prometteurs furent même fouillés. En 1984 l’Iran et l’Afghanistan fermèrent leurs portes aux archéologues pour des raisons politiques, et mirent ainsi fin, pour un temps, à ces travaux. Pendant 80 ans, sur un même terrain, se succédèrent ainsi et souvent se croisèrent des individus au statut complexe. Ils représentaient un Etat et une ou plusieurs institutions. Ils apportaient avec eux des pratiques, des méthodes, et des doxas spécifiques à une communauté scientifique. Cette étude examine leurs relations en tenant compte de cette complexité. Dans quelle mesure s’influencèrent-ils ? Furent-ils en concurrence au nom d’une nation ou d’une institution? Tentèrent-ils de coopérer? Allèrent-ils jusqu’à collaborer en vue d’un intérêt commun, dit universel ? Après une présentation générale des travaux effectués au Séistan, l’étude s’attarde en particulier sur les relations franco-allemandes. Enfin elle décrit le développement d’une science dite internationale, et en souligne les limites. / The Sistan is a semi-desert area located between the east of Iran and the west of Afghanistan. The territory has been continuously inhabited since prehistorical times. Therefore European and American scholars turned their attention to it from the early 20th century on a time of intense exploration of Central Asia. The French archaeological Delegation in Iran (DAFI), created in 1900, then the French archaeological Delegation in Afghanistan (DAFA), created in 1923, had an official monopoly which included the Sistan. Nevertheless German, British, Italian and American missions surveyed the area before and after the World War Two. Some sites, which seemed particularly promising, were excavated. In 1984 Iran and Afghanistan closed their doors to archaeologists for political reasons, and stopped temporarily all work. During 80 years, on a same area, individuals who had a complex status succeeded one another and often crossed each other. They all represented a state and one or many institutions. They came with practices, methods, and doxas specific to a scientific community. This study analyses their relations, to include their complexity. To what extent did they influence each other? Were they in competition in the name of a nation or an institution? Did they try to cooperate? Did they collaborate for a mutual, “universal”, purpose? After a global presentation of the works made in Sistan, the study examines more specifically the French and German relationships. Then it describes the development of a so called international science, and stresses its limits.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-09-27Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T21:04:14Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 winand_eca_dr_fran.pdf: 1104200 bytes, checksum: e47c70a5210c25e5d9fb93c5779c9531 (MD5) / O presente trabalho busca compreender as relações do Brasil com a Argentina, no campo da Defesa, durante os dois mandatos do Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), por meio de reflexão sobre condicionantes históricas e conjunturais. Entre as condicionantes históricas trabalhadas, destacam-se, primeiramente, a convivência entre padrões de rivalidade e cooperação, e o atrelamento da cooperação a propósitos utilitaristas, por parte da diplomacia brasileira. Em seguida, os apanágios do processo decisório da política exterior do Brasil – o qual é caracterizado pela desarticulação institucional entre diplomatas e militares e, pela ausência de debate parlamentar nos assuntos referentes à Defesa cooperativa – são tratados como responsáveis pela falta da organicidade salutar ao bom funcionamento de vínculos cooperativos. Por fim, elencam as condicionantes conjunturais, as respostas lançadas pelos formuladores de política externa do Brasil, no período eleito, aos desafios do contexto internacional e às demandas internas e regionais. As fontes pesquisadas são diversas, partindo desde documentos discursivos, passando por entrevistas, e chegando a correspondências da chancelaria brasileira, disponíveis no arquivo histórico do Itamaraty / This study seeks to understand the relations between Brazil and Argentina, in the Defense´s field, during the two terms of Fernando Henrique Cardoso government (1995-2002), through the comprehension about historical and situational conditionals. Among the historical conditionals, we highlight, in first place, the coexistence of rivalry and cooperation patterns and, mainly, the prevalence of a utilitarian vision that guides the Brazilian diplomacy, in the international cooperation. In addition, the particularities of the Brazil´s decision-making process involving foreign policy - which is characterized by the separation between diplomats and militaries, and in other hand, by the lack of parliamentary debate on matters relating to cooperation in the defense field – are ascribed to the lack of institutionalization of regional cooperative ties. Finally, we discuss the responses from the policymakers in Brazil to the international constraints, the domestic and regional demands. The analysis presented is based on the content of official discursive documents, interviews and diplomatic correspondence

L’idée d’exceptionnalisme américain a fait l’objet d’une attention particulière depuis le début des années 1990. Souvent décriée, parfois louée mais généralement réifiée, elle est devenue un concept déterministe au service d’une lecture linéaire de l’histoire des États-Unis depuis l’indépendance. La nécessité de déconstruire cette invariance simplificatrice et d’étudier l’exceptionnalisme comme une production sociale évoluant dans le temps en fonction de son contexte national et international est à l’origine de ce travail. L’exception américaine ne peut, en effet, être pensée uniquement à partir du national tant elle répond à des représentations conjuguées de Soi et de l’Autre. À la charnière entre le national et l’international, la politique étrangère est donc un poste d’observation privilégié de la construction de ce trait identitaire américain. L’ambition de cette thèse est de confronter le concept d’exceptionnalisme aux sources afin de mieux comprendre ce qu’il signifie pour nos acteurs et de mesurer son impact sur la politique étrangère des États-Unis durant les années d’après Guerre froide. Face à l’évolution du système international, la puissance nordaméricaine redéfinit, en effet, son rôle et son engagement extérieur. Après un XXe siècle marqué par des affrontements idéologiques globaux, les États-Unis se posaient en champion d’un nouvel ordre international garant de l’universalisation des valeurs démocratiques et libérales. Profondément moral, ce positionnement justifiait alors l’engagement des États-Unis dans une nouvelle lutte entre la modernité et le fanatisme à la fin des années 1990 avant d’être discrédité par l’enlisement militaire en Afghanistan et en Irak. Le changement de paradigme de la seconde moitié des années 2000 minimisait alors l’impact de la représentation exceptionnelle du Soi américain sur la définition de la politique étrangère. / The idea of American exceptionalism has been the subject of many studies since the beginning of the 1990s. Usually criticized, sometimes praised but generally reified, it became a determinist concept creating a linear perspective of U.S. history since the Independence. Also, the necessity to question this simplistic invariance and to study exceptionalism as a social production evolving with its national and its international contexts is at the origin of this project. Also, this American exception cannot be considered only through a national prism since it mixes representations of the Self and the Other. Between domestic and global affairs, foreign policy, then, represents an excellent observation point of the construction of this American identity feature. The purpose of this dissertation is to question the concept of exceptionalism through the analyze of primary sources in order to have a better understanding of its meaning for the actors and to evaluate its impact on U.S. foreign policy during the post-Cold War years. Indeed, the North-American power had to redefine its international role and engagement whereas the international system knew a dramatic evolution. After a 20th century marked by global ideological conflicts, the United States championed a new world order standing for the universalization of liberal and democratic values. This deeply moral position, then, justified the U.S. engagement in a new fight between modernity and fanaticism at the end of the 1990s before its discredit in the wake of the military stalemates in Afghanistan and Iraq. The change of paradigm during the late 2000s also minimized the impact of the exceptional representation of the American Self on the making of U.S. foreign policy.

La présente étude est consacrée à la naissance d'une diplomatie européenne sous le regard polonais. À travers l'histoire de la construction européenne, il s'agit d'analyser la marche vers la mise en place du Service européen pour l'action extérieure (SEAE). Lancé en 2010 sous l'autorité du Haut Représentant de l'Union pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité, il devait réformer en profondeur les relations extérieures de l'Union européenne et lui permettre de s'affirmer en tant qu'acteur sur la scène internationale. Le regard de la Pologne permet de saisir plus concrètement les enjeux politiques et stratégiques liés à la création d'une diplomatie commune de l'UE. Deux aspects de cette diplomatie européenne sont étudiés : son visage et son appareil. Cette étude s'intéresse aux développements successifs de la représentation extérieure de l'UE dans la perspective de l'émergence d'une diplomatie européenne de réseaux. Elle démontre que la création du SEAE a provoqué des mouvements tectoniques dans l'architecture institutionnelle européenne et à l'intérieur des appareils diplomatiques nationaux. / The present study deals with the birth of a European diplomacy from the Polish point of view. Throughout the history of the European construction, the aim is to analyze the progress towards the establishment of the European External Action Service (EEAS). Launched in 2010 under the authority of the High Représentative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and the Security Policy, it had to reform in depth the external relations of the European Union (EU) and allow it to assert itself as an actor on the international stage. The Polish approach enables to grasp more concretely the political and stratégie issues related to the création of a common EU diplomacy. Two aspects of this European diplomacy are studied : its face and its apparatus. This study examines the successive developments of the EU external représentation in the context of the emergence of European diplomacy networks. It demonstrates that the EEAS has caused tectonic movements in the European institutional architecture and within national diplomatie services.

A independência do Brasil, bem como de parte significativa da América Latina, ocorreu concomitantemente ao reestabelecimento da realidade política europeia após a Revolução Francesa. A Constituição brasileira de 1824, apesar de aparentar similaridades com o liberalismo francês, foi feita de forma a transformar o Brasil no modelo mais bem acabado de realidade política do Antigo Regime europeu. O engessamento da estrutura política decorria da existência de uma elite coesa, situação que punha à prova um modelo que teoricamente oferecia ao monarca o poder máximo, dada sua atribuição de alternar o grupo que estava no comando do país. Esse processo resultou quase que na transformação do imperador em um chanceler das decisões tomadas pelos membros da elite homogênea. Essa dinâmica política ocorre pari passu às tensões de modernização que permeiam a realidade europeia do século XIX e que refletem o aprofundamento do capitalismo da Segunda Revolução Industrial. O Brasil, pensado a partir do modelo do Antigo Regime europeu, encontrou no segundo reinado o ponto de inflexão a partir de iniciativas de modernização defendidas por D. Pedro II. Esse conflito intraelite é a tônica da análise feita a partir da hipótese de que o Brasil era um membro efetivo da Sociedade de Estados europeia, percepção decorrente do compartilhamento de valores havido com os países da Europa. Nesse espectro, constrói-se uma narrativa histórica na qual a História da Política Externa Brasileira e a História das Relações Internacionais são desenvolvidas conjuntamente. Essa narrativa visa superar as limitações impostas por uma noção de História restrita às questões de poder e disputas fronteiriças. Para a consecução desse objetivo recorreu-se a uma análise mais detalhada das atribuições do Conselho de Estado órgão representativo da elite imperial e das atas das reuniões havidas na seção de Justiça e Negócios Estrangeiros. A essa análise contrapôs-se aquela feita dos diários de D. Pedro II escritos durante suas três viagens ao Exterior (1871-1873 / 1876-1877 / 1887-1888). É pela contraposição dessas duas fontes primárias que se conclui que havia projetos diferentes para o país decorrentes de percepções diferentes sobre a realidade da Europa: se de um lado a Europa vista pela elite brasileira era aquela do Antigo Regime, D. Pedro II reconhecia os impulsos modernizantes das duas últimas décadas do século. Alguns dos quais ele tentou implementar no país. / Brazilian independency, as well as that of almost all Latin-American countries, happened at the same time as Europes restoration that followed the French Revolution. Brazilian Imperial Constitution of 1824, despite the appearance of similarity with the French liberalism, was built in a way to make Brazil become the country that better fit the European Ancien Regime model. The inelasticity of the political structure derived from the existence of a closely knit elite, whose dynamics forged the political roles in a way in which the emperor became almost a chancellor that executed the decisions made by the elite. Hes attribution of changing the ruling party was ineffective once the homogeneity of the group was so strong. Such reality happened while, in Europe, modernizing pressure were taking place as a consequence of the Second Industrial Revolution and the deepening of the capitalism the reality of the continent. During the reign of D. Pedro II, Brazil came to a turning point when the homogeneity of the elite breaks up with the Emperor supporting modernizing projects. This intra-elite conflict is in the core of the analysis made from the hypothesis that Brazil was a effective member of the European Society of States since it shared common values with the European countries. From there, a historical narrative is built, in which the History of Brazilian Foreign Policy and the History of International Relations are written together. This narrative aims at overcoming the limitations imposed by a notion of History restricted to issues of power and boundaries disputes. In order to fulfill this goal, the Conselho de Estado structure representative of the imperial elite and the minutes of the assemblies of the seção de Justiça e Negócios Estrangeiros are studied in depth. Running together with this analysis, is another one over the journals of D. Pedro II written during the three voyages he made abroad (1871-1873 / 1876-1877 / 1887-1888). It is by the comparison of these two sources that one can conclude that there were different projects to the country, and they were originated from different perceptions over the European reality: if for Brazilian elite it was still coherent to cope with the Ancien Régime, D. Pedro II pushed for modernizing the country during the two last decades of the century.

A independência do Brasil, bem como de parte significativa da América Latina, ocorreu concomitantemente ao reestabelecimento da realidade política europeia após a Revolução Francesa. A Constituição brasileira de 1824, apesar de aparentar similaridades com o liberalismo francês, foi feita de forma a transformar o Brasil no modelo mais bem acabado de realidade política do Antigo Regime europeu. O engessamento da estrutura política decorria da existência de uma elite coesa, situação que punha à prova um modelo que teoricamente oferecia ao monarca o poder máximo, dada sua atribuição de alternar o grupo que estava no comando do país. Esse processo resultou quase que na transformação do imperador em um chanceler das decisões tomadas pelos membros da elite homogênea. Essa dinâmica política ocorre pari passu às tensões de modernização que permeiam a realidade europeia do século XIX e que refletem o aprofundamento do capitalismo da Segunda Revolução Industrial. O Brasil, pensado a partir do modelo do Antigo Regime europeu, encontrou no segundo reinado o ponto de inflexão a partir de iniciativas de modernização defendidas por D. Pedro II. Esse conflito intraelite é a tônica da análise feita a partir da hipótese de que o Brasil era um membro efetivo da Sociedade de Estados europeia, percepção decorrente do compartilhamento de valores havido com os países da Europa. Nesse espectro, constrói-se uma narrativa histórica na qual a História da Política Externa Brasileira e a História das Relações Internacionais são desenvolvidas conjuntamente. Essa narrativa visa superar as limitações impostas por uma noção de História restrita às questões de poder e disputas fronteiriças. Para a consecução desse objetivo recorreu-se a uma análise mais detalhada das atribuições do Conselho de Estado órgão representativo da elite imperial e das atas das reuniões havidas na seção de Justiça e Negócios Estrangeiros. A essa análise contrapôs-se aquela feita dos diários de D. Pedro II escritos durante suas três viagens ao Exterior (1871-1873 / 1876-1877 / 1887-1888). É pela contraposição dessas duas fontes primárias que se conclui que havia projetos diferentes para o país decorrentes de percepções diferentes sobre a realidade da Europa: se de um lado a Europa vista pela elite brasileira era aquela do Antigo Regime, D. Pedro II reconhecia os impulsos modernizantes das duas últimas décadas do século. Alguns dos quais ele tentou implementar no país. / Brazilian independency, as well as that of almost all Latin-American countries, happened at the same time as Europes restoration that followed the French Revolution. Brazilian Imperial Constitution of 1824, despite the appearance of similarity with the French liberalism, was built in a way to make Brazil become the country that better fit the European Ancien Regime model. The inelasticity of the political structure derived from the existence of a closely knit elite, whose dynamics forged the political roles in a way in which the emperor became almost a chancellor that executed the decisions made by the elite. Hes attribution of changing the ruling party was ineffective once the homogeneity of the group was so strong. Such reality happened while, in Europe, modernizing pressure were taking place as a consequence of the Second Industrial Revolution and the deepening of the capitalism the reality of the continent. During the reign of D. Pedro II, Brazil came to a turning point when the homogeneity of the elite breaks up with the Emperor supporting modernizing projects. This intra-elite conflict is in the core of the analysis made from the hypothesis that Brazil was a effective member of the European Society of States since it shared common values with the European countries. From there, a historical narrative is built, in which the History of Brazilian Foreign Policy and the History of International Relations are written together. This narrative aims at overcoming the limitations imposed by a notion of History restricted to issues of power and boundaries disputes. In order to fulfill this goal, the Conselho de Estado structure representative of the imperial elite and the minutes of the assemblies of the seção de Justiça e Negócios Estrangeiros are studied in depth. Running together with this analysis, is another one over the journals of D. Pedro II written during the three voyages he made abroad (1871-1873 / 1876-1877 / 1887-1888). It is by the comparison of these two sources that one can conclude that there were different projects to the country, and they were originated from different perceptions over the European reality: if for Brazilian elite it was still coherent to cope with the Ancien Régime, D. Pedro II pushed for modernizing the country during the two last decades of the century.

Abstract The research observes the relations between Finland and Spain from the Finnish independence until the beginning of the Cold War by using an analysis of images and stereotypes. This era is characterized by the founding of the organization of Finnish foreign affairs, Spain’s transition from a dictatorship to a republic, from the Republic to the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War. During this time, Finland and Spain built their bilateral relations from the recognition of Finland through trade policy to have cordial relations around the Second World War when political conditions were favourable. The main idea of the Finnish foreign policy in Spain was to regain the lost market of timber and paper industry from the autonomous era. Spain was disturbed by the Finnish law of prohibition which prevented the trade within wine industry. Spain’s main focus in Finland was monitoring the foreign policy of Finland, the Soviet Union and the Baltic republics. Spain did fairly well in this task. Both Finland’s and Spain’s image of one another was based on stereotypes. The Finns were forest-living Asians while the Spaniards were lazy, uneducated bullfighters. The Finns had a chance to modify the image of Spain during the Spanish Civil War, but the modification didn’t take place. In Spain the image of the Finns, however, was transformed into a heroic nation defending the western civilization. The images could have affected the foreign policy. The diplomat who disliked and knew the posting country poorly could harm trade negotiations. The stereotype-based images delayed the development of the bilateral relations. On the other hand, an enthusiastic and politically suited person could have a significant positive impact on the relations, especially during the Second World War. The main source material consists of the reports from the Spanish delegation in Helsinki, the Finnish delegation in Madrid and the telegrams and documentation from both foreign ministries. / Tiivistelmä Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan Suomen ja Espanjan välisiä suhteita historiallisen kuvatutkimuksen keinoin Suomen itsenäistymisestä kylmän sodan alkuun. Aikakautta leimaavat Suomen itsenäistymisen jälkeen alkanut ulkoasiainhallinnon perustaminen ja kehittyminen, Espanjan muutos diktatuurista tasavallaksi, tasavallasta sisällissotaan sekä toisen maailmansodan aika. Tänä aikana Suomi ja Espanja loivat keskinäiset suhteensa Suomen tunnustamisesta kauppapolitiikan kautta toisilleen ystävällismielisiksi maiksi, kun toisen maailmansodan poliittiset suhdanteet olivat suotuisia. Suomi halusi palauttaa itselleen edulliset puu- ja paperituotteiden markkinat, jotka sillä oli ollut autonomian aikana. Espanjaa haittasi Suomessa ollut kieltolaki, mikä merkitsi erityisesti tärkeiden viinien jäämistä pois maiden välisestä kaupasta. Espanja keskittyi suhteissa pitämään Suomea tarkkailu- ja tiedonkeruupaikkana Suomen, Neuvostoliiton ja Baltian suuntaan. Tässä tehtävässä Espanja onnistui verraten hyvin. Niin suomalaisten kuin espanjalaisten kuvat toisistaan rakentuivat suhteiden alussa stereotypioiden varaan. Suomalaiset olivat metsissä asuvia aasialaisia ja espanjalaiset laiskoja sekä kouluttamattomia härkätaistelijoita. Suomalaisille tarjoutui mahdollisuus korjata Espanja-kuvaa Espanjan sisällissodan julkisuuden vuoksi, mutta kuvassa ei tapahtunut muutosta. Sen sijaan Suomen saama julkisuus talvisodan aikana muutti espanjalaisten Suomi-kuvaa urheaksi läntistä sivistystä puolustaneeksi kansaksi. Mielikuvilla saattoi olla oikeissa olosuhteissa vaikutusta ulkopolitiikkaan. Huonosti asemamaansa tunteva ja kokeva diplomaatti saattoi olla haitaksi kauppaneuvotteluille. Alkuaikojen stereotypioihin nojannut mielikuva hidasti kehitystä. Toisaalta innostunut ja aikakauteen poliittisesti sopiva henkilö saattoi vaikuttaa huomattavasti suhteita edistävästi, kuten toisen maailmansodan aikana tapahtui molemmin puolin. Tutkimuksen keskeisin lähdeaineisto koostuu Espanjan Helsingin-lähetystön ja Suomen Madridin-lähetystön raporteista, sähkeistä sekä kummankin maan ulkoasiainhallinnon dokumenteista. / Resumen El studio observa las relaciones entre Finlandía y España por el medio del studio de las imagines históricas desde la proclamación de la independencia de Finlandía hasta el comienzo de la Guerra Fría. La época esta caracterizada por la fundación y evolución del Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores de Finlandía después de la independencia, la transición de la dictatura a la Segunda República, la Guerra Civil Española y la Segunda Guerra Mundial cuando las coyunturas políticas eran favorables. La idea principal de la política exterior de Finlandía en España era volver a crear los mercados perdidos de madera y papelera de la época autónoma finlandesa. España en cambio estaba molesta por la ley seca de Finlandía, lo que bloquea el importante comercio de los vinos españoles. España se concentro en observer y coleccionar información de Finlandía, Unión Soviética y los países Bálticos. España tuvo bastante éxito en esta tarea. La imagen de uno y otro, tanto finlandesa como española estaba basado en los estereotipos. Los finlandeses eran nórdicos que vivían en el bosque y los españoles eran toreros maleducados y perezosos. En la Guerra Civil Española, los finlandeses ofrecen la oportunidad de cambiar su imagen, pero fue desaprovechada. En cambio, la publicidad de Finlandía durante la Guerra de Invierno cambió la imagen que España tenia de Finlandía en una nación de valientes defendiendo la civilización occidental. Bajo las circunstancias correctas las imagines podrian tener un efecto en la política exterior. El diplomático que conocía y no le gustaba su país de acreditación podria perjudicar seriamente las relaciones comerciales. Las imagines estererotipadas en el comienzo de las relaciones retrasaron el desarollo de las relaciones bilaterales. Por otra parte, el diplomático entusiasta y políticamente adecuado podría tener un impacto significativo y progresista, como ocurrido en ambos lados durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El material más importante consiste en los informes de la legación de España y de la legación de Finlandía en Madrid, los telegramas y los documentos de ambos Ministros de Asuntos Exteriores.