This dissertation seeks to assess the degree of integration in the sector of security and defense of the European Union. The emphasis is brought on the Solana era, 1999-2009, as Mr. Solana was the first High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU. His mandate was axiomatic in shaping a common security strategy for the Union. In order to measure the degree of integration, this dissertation applied an eclectic theoretical approach on three case studies looking at three distinct levels of analysis: domestic, homeland counterterrorism; regional, energy security vis-à-vis Russia; international, EUPOL Afghanistan mission.

When Turkey became a candidate of the EU in 1999 it had been a problematic applicant for forty years due to residual unpopularity with several member states for cultural, economic, security and normative reasons. However, the Helsinki European Council heralded a change of fortunes for Ankara and by 2005 accession negotiations had opened. This happened in spite of Turkey remaining an unpopular candidate with some member states. Moreover, since 2005, Turkey s standing within the EU has returned to a position akin to its pre-1999 stasis. This thesis thus asks: why did Turkey make such progress between 1999 and 2004/5? What was the specific configuration of structures, processes and actions that enabled that to happen then but not before or after? The thesis approaches this puzzle using a stretched eclectic version of Historical Institutionalism which can incorporate the effects of both structure and agency. In this way it can include the influence of wider structural factors, such as CEEC enlargement, Cyprus and ESDP as well as the agency of Turkey s advocates within the EU. It is a detailed qualitative process-tracing study which uses semi-structured interviews and documentary evidence to make a case for a given explanation. It concludes that a path dependent process, influenced by both structure and agency, can be traced from the Helsinki European Council to that in Brussels five years later which rhetorically entrapped the member states into agreeing to open accession negotiations in spite of Turkey s underlying unpopularity. By adopting this framework for analysis, the thesis makes a contribution to the literature on the Turkey-EU accession process by viewing the time period as a whole and taking a temporal rather than a snapshot approach. In so doing it is possible to explain why and how Turkey was able to make such progress between 1999 and 2004. It is also valuable in the study of present Turkey-EU relations as the ultimate conclusion has to be that there was a unique window of opportunity for both Turkey and the EU during this time and the window may now have closed.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / In the process of the European implementation of a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) at Maastricht in December 1991 until the Franco-British declaration on European defense at Saint-MlÌ o in December 1998, the EU's European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) etched out the initial concept of a European Pillar within the framework of NATO expressed in NATO's European Security and Defense Identity (ESDI). The Franco-British declaration at Saint- MlÌ o demonstrated the willingness of some EU member states to promote autonomous military capabilities within the EU that enables the EU to act outside of NATO's framework. The further development of ESDP led to concern among NATO officials and US diplomats regarding ESDP's potential challenging appearance to NATO. US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld expressed this concern about a growing EU opposition to the transatlantic policy of alliance. In January 2003, during the Iraq Crisis, Mr. Rumsfeld labeled France and Germany as the "Old Europe". The relation of ESDP to NATO is strongly affected by the national interests of leading European actors like France and Germany. The development of ESDP as either a competitor or support arm of NATO depends on whether the French or the German approach to European security becomes dominant. / Major, German Air Force

Un demi-siècle après la signature du traité de Dunkerque, la France et le Royaume-Uni signèrent, à Saint Malo, une déclaration sur la défense européenne d’une portée historique fondamentale. Cette déclaration fut à l’origine de la mise en œuvre, dans le cadre de l’Union européenne, de la politique européenne de sécurité et de défense, qui fut déclarée « opérationnelle » à l’occasion du sommet de Laeken, en décembre 2001. Acteurs principaux de ce processus, la France et le Royaume-Uni avaient des intérêts essentiels à garantir dans la conduite des négociations européennes et transatlantiques qui aboutirent à ce compromis historique. Sur la base de documents d’archives récemment déclassifiés ou consultés sur dérogation, d’entretiens menés avec des acteurs de premier plan, ou encore des travaux parlementaires publiés sur cette question, cette thèse se propose d’analyser l’évolution des politiques de défense française et britannique, dans leur acception la plus étendue, en amont de ce processus et à compter de la mise en place de la politique étrangère et de sécurité commune, véritable berceau de la PESD, instituée à l’issue de la conférence intergouvernementale de 1991, qui aboutit à l’établissement de l’Union européenne. / Half a century after the Dunkirk treaty, France and the United Kingdom signed in Saint-Malo a declaration on European defence of paramount historic significance. From this declaration originated the implementation, within the frame of the European Union, of the European Security and Defence Policy, which was declared ‘operational’ in December 2001 during the Laeken Summit. As leading parties of this process France and the United Kingdom had essential interests to safeguard in the conducting of the European and transatlantic negotiations which resulted in this historic compromise. Based on archival records which have been either recently released or consulted by special dispensation, on discussions with leading figures of the period or on parliamentary papers about the question, this thesis intends to analyse the evolution of the French and British defence policies in their fullest sense prior to this process and from the enforcement of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, from which originated the ESDP, instituted at the end of the 1991 Intergovernmental Conference which led to the implementation of the European Union.

This thesis seeks to depict the German stance towards European security in the post-Cold War era. It attempts to portray the continuity and change in Germany&rsquo / s policies towards the maintenance of European security first, by specifying the differences between the Cold War and the post-Cold War era, and second, within the years after the reunification of the two German states. This is examined in the light of the main developments in the international level, the European Union (EU) level and the German domestic level. These include on the international level the War in Kosovo, the Afghanistan intervention and the Iraq War / on the European Union level the EU treaties up until the Treaty of Lisbon and the developments on the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) / and lastly on the German domestic level the 1994 and 2006 Wei&szlig / buch (White Paper), which are official documents published by the German Ministry of Defence. This thesis indicates the change in Germany&rsquo / s European security perception after the reunification towards a new and different sort of assertiveness. It is argued that this assertiveness invigorates within a European Germany.

ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENSE DIMENSION AND ITS PROSPECTS Mengi, Sezen MS., Department of European Studies Supervisor: Associate Professor Dr. Sevilay Kahraman March 2007, 146 pages. This study has focused on analyzing the evolution of ESDP and developments that took place to this date concerning the European Security and Defense Dimension. Since the end of World War II and beginning of Cold War, the security and defense issue of Europe will be explored in this thesis. Later the developments that took place after the diminishment of Warsaw Pact and end of Cold War will be traced. Also the changing relationship between the US and EU with the changing global international environment will be explored in this thesis.

This thesis analyzes the factors and conduct of the transformation of NATO and its likely effects on the globe. The implications of politics of the US, the EU on global security as well as enlarged threat perception will be investigated as the three main drivers of NATO transformation. The way transformation carried out will be synthesized into political and military areas. Political transformation here will be studied under three fold categorization of functional, geographical and institutional areas. The thesis will conclude with future tendencies of and within NATO.

Europos Sąjunga, didžiausias viršvalstybinis projektas pasaulio istorijoje, tampa tarptautiniu saugumo aktoriumi. Daugelį metų išorinės ir vidinės jėgos jai neleido šia linkme padaryti pažangos. ES buvo griežtai ekonominis projektas. Po SSRS žlugimo, JAV iškilus kaip vienintelei didžiajai galiai, naujame vienpoliame pasaulyje Europa pradėjo ieškoti savo naujos tarptautinės tapatybės. 1993 m. pradėta Europos Sąjungos sutartimi, prieš tai vadinta Europos politiniu bendradarbiavimu, Bendroji usžeinio ir saugumo politika (BUSP) atrodė kaip reikšmingas žingsnis link naujos Europos integracijos eros. Tačiau, naudodami tarptautinių santykių ir Europos integracijos teorijas: racionalizmą, liberalizmą, funkcionalizmą ir federalizmą, matome, kad „aukštosios politikos“ ypatumas neleidžia ES pasiekti reliatyvios integracijos „žemosios politikos“ sferoje sėkmės. Todėl BUSP yra griežtai tarpvyriausybinio pobūdžio. Vietoj to, kad būtų didžiąja galia, ES yra tik pilietinė ar normatyvinė galia. Mažosios valstybės sudaro ES narių daugum��. Tačiau, akivaizdu, kad dauguma su BUSP susijusiu iniciatyvų yra inicijuojamos didžiųjų Europos valstybių. Prancūzija, Vokietija ir JK dominuoja ES užsienio politikoje. Pagal požiūrį į BUSP, nepaisant problematiškos mažos valstybės koncepcijos, galime išskirti 3 šalių grupes ir teoriniame lygmenyje apsvarstyti jų užsienio politikos veiksmus. Kai kurios neutralios, taip pat kaip keletas, JAV įtaką siekiančių atsverti mažųjų NATO narių, remia glaudesnę... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / European Union, the biggest supranational project in World’s history, is becoming the international security actor. For many years the endogenous and exogenous forces prevented it from advancing in this direction. EU had been a strictly economical endeavor. After the collapse of Soviet Union and with the rise of the U.S. as a single super-power in the new unipolar word, Europe started to search for its new international identity. Launched by the Treaty of European Union in 1993, preceded by European Political Cooperation, The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) seemed as a decisive step towards the new era of European integration process. However, by utilizing the most established International Relations and European integration theories: rationalism, liberalism, functionalism and federalism, we see that particularity of “high politics” does not allow the EU to match the relative success of integration in “low politics” areas. Therefore CFSP is of strictly intergovernmental nature. Instead of being super or great, EU is only civilian or normative power. Small countries constitute the majority of the EU members. However it is quite obvious that most of the CFSP related initiatives come from the big European powers. France, Germany and the UK have been dominating the foreign politics of the EU. Within the framework of CFSP, despite the awkward nature of the small state concept, we can distinguish 3 groups of countries and theorize about their foreign policy behavior... [to full text]

This thesis aims at analyzing the EU&rsquo / s quest for autonomous defence vis-&agrave / -vis NATO with a special reference to the ESDP. The major research question asked is what kind of relationship exists between the EU and NATO. Accordingly, the argument is that the EU&rsquo / s desire to gain autonomy through the ESDP is unlikely to pose a threat to the primacy of NATO in European Security. In this framework, firstly, the legacy of the Cold War and transition from the ESDI to the ESDP are discussed. Secondly, the political aspect of the EU-NATO relations is addressed by touching upon the views of major powers in the EU-NATO relations. The main obstacles for the development of the EU-NATO relations are explored in the third part. The last part is allocated to the recent developments in the EU-NATO relations within the post September 11 context. This thesis is concluded by suggesting that although the evolving nature of the EU-NATO relations does not provide sufficient evidence for giving a clear answer to whether the EU and NATO cohabitate or separate, the EU and NATO should strive for cohabitating and working together in a complementary and harmonious way.

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