By adopting a multilevel approach to understanding decisions taken in security and defence policies by European member states, the paper argues that the development of the European Security and Defence Policy, the proliferation of ad-hoc coalitions of the willing, and the subcontracting of security tasks from the UN has worsened the challenge of parliamentary accountability in foreign, security and defence policies. The paper evaluates how the European Convention has sought to bridge the parliamentary accountability gap in Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and in European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The outcomes of the Convention on the future of Europe are not meeting its initial ambition to put foreign, security and defence policy among the priorities for the European Union¿s constitutional design. CFSP will become more integrated, on an intergovernmental rather than supranational model and under the large states¿ control. The major innovation is the creation of the position of Foreign Affairs Minister whose autonomy remains still uncertain, especially in his/her relationship with the President of the European Council. ESDP¿s operational capabilities and scope are both extended while coalitions of the willing are institutionalised and a defence core group could emerge. The contrast remains between a slower integration of CFSP and a faster progress of ESDP. Given the significance of proposals in ESDP, the new powers proposed by the European Convention to be given to national parliaments and the European Parliament in this policy area are too weak to close the existing parliamentary accountability gap.

Det säkerhetspolitiska samarbetet inom EU fördjupas alltmer och inom ramen för Nice-fördraget , år 2001,så institutionaliseras ESDP. EU har tre alliansfria/neutrala stater som alla blev medlemmar år 1995. Imedlemsförhandlingarna förband de sig att acceptera medlemsskapet som ett totalt åtagande mot unionensframsteg och målsättningar, inkluderande utrikes- och säkerhetspolitik. Denna förutsättning har skapat etttryck på de alliansfria/neutrala staterna att anpassa sina säkerhetspolitika ställningstaganden till det nurådande europiska säkerhetsklimatet. Uppsatsen tar avstamp ur ovanstående förhållande och ställer frågorom några centrala inrikespolitiska faktorer som verkar för att bromsa en utveckling som kan innebära enavveckling av först neutraliteten, därefter alliansfriheten och slutligen innebära ett eventuellt medlemskap ien försvarsallians, NATO eller EU. Undersökningen fokuserar tidsmässigt runt perioden år 2001 ochomfattar, för respektive undersökt stat, politiska officiella deklarationer, riksdagspartiers officiellaställningstaganden, folkopinionens ställning, investeringar i försvarssystem och strukturer och slutligenvanans påverkan rörande alliansfrihet och neutralitet. Uppsatsen har en mycket direkt och konkretteorikoppling till Kjell Goldmanns teori om de faktorer som stabiliserar eller destabiliserar en politik.Resultatet visar att de tre staterna avvecklat sin neutralitetslinje men också att det i alla tre stater finnsinrikespolitiska faktorer som i olika grad verkar stabiliserande på den säkerhetpolitiska handlingslinjeninnebärande fortsatt alliansfrihet. Undersökningen visar också att staterna skiljer sig åt på olika punkter ochatt det ur det inrikespolitiska perspektivet inte går att betrakta staterna som en enhetlig grupp. / The security policy cooperation within the European Union is more andmore deepened and due to the Nice-summit, year 2001, the ESDP wasinstitutionalised.Within the European Union there are three states that all became membersin the year 1995. In the accession negotiations all three states, in order toallay the fears of other member states in the Union, they issued a jointdeclaration, in which they made several assurances. They promised, forexample, that their accession would serve to strengthen the coherence ofthe Union and its capacity to act within the area of foreign and securitypolicy. This situation has created a pressure for change and adaptation onthe three countries positions concerning security policy, in order to matchthe new European security climate. This essay identifies this pressure forchange and put forward questions regarding, if some central domesticpolicy factors work in act to hamper a development that might imply theend of non-alliance and neutrality, and eventually a development that willlead to a membership in a defensive alliance, NATO or a reformed EU.The investigation focuses at a period around year 2001 and comprises, foreach investigated state, official political declarations, official stands of theparty’s in Parliament, views of the opinion, investments in defence systemsand structures, and finally how the custom affects the policy of nonalignment and neutrality.The essay has a very clear and distinct connection to Professor KjellGoldmanns theory concerning factors that work as stabilizers ordestabilizers of foreign policy.The results show that the three states all have relinquished their neutralitypolicy, but also that there, in all three states, are domestic policy factorsthat works in order to stabilize a policy of continued non-alliance. Theinvestigation show that the impact of the stabilizers differs between thestates and that they do not represent a heterogeneous group of countries ina perspective of how domestic policy affect security policy standpoints.The essay is written in Swedish with this abstract in English. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 01-03

The thesis aims to determine the scope and extent of the European defence industrial sector influence on the process of European defence formation, or more precisely in the field of defence and security cooperation (ESDP/CSDP). The question of the European defence sector's role in shaping the defence and security cooperation in Europe has not been properly explored, thereby it provides an ideal topic of choice for my thesis, The thesis is divided into three main parts: the introduction, the analysis consisting of five sections and finally the conclusion. The thesis analyzes an industrial sector itself, while exploring the process of creation of internal market within the framework of the Roundtable of European Industrialist initiative. It then moves on to discuss the European military industrial complex and it argues for the need to introduce a new term "European Defence Industrialists" in order to improve our understanding of defence cooperation in the EU. As for the thesis theoretical approach, a classical IR theoretical approach in general and classical theoretical take on European integration have proved insufficient. Therefore, the thesis explores the specific environment of European industrial sector with the aid of the liberal economics approaches. In so doing, it establishes that liberal...

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<p>This thesis deals with cooperation between France, Germany and the United Kingdom within the area of foreign and security policy. Two case studies are presented, one of them concerning cooperation between the three states within and outside institutions in 1980 following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the other dealing with cooperation concerning the crisis in Macedonia in 2001. In accordance with the approach of neoliberal institutionalism the primary hypothesis is that cooperation is primarily determined by the interests of states but it is also limited by norms and affected by the institutions of which the three states are members. The study describes the large variety of forms of cooperation that exist between France, Germany and the United Kingdom, in which the United States also plays an important part, and which also includes their cooperation within a number of international institutions. The study also points to the new forms of interaction between states and institutions that have come about since the Cold War ended, and which give a stronger role to institutions and the cooperation between them. Still, however, states retain a decisive role in cooperation within the field of foreign and security policy.</p>

A travers l’exemple des opérations de maintien de la paix (OMP) conjointes entre les Nations Unies et l’Union européenne au Tchad et en République centrafricaine (Eufor Tchad-RCA et Minurcat) entre 2008 et 2010, cette thèse questionne les mécanismes qui mènent au déclenchement d’une opération de sécurité collective dite de maintien de la paix ainsi que son déroulement. Alors que les analyses anglo-saxonnes du maintien de la paix dans le champ des Relations internationales questionnent peu le processus qui mène à leur déploiement, faisant de celui-ci une réponse quasi rationnelle à l’émergence ou la reprise d’une « crise », cette thèse analyse finement le processus non linéaire qui mène au déploiement des opérations Eufor Tchad-RCA et Minurcat. Cela permet d’interroger de manière originale les disfonctionnements du maintien de la paix en ne s’intéressant pas uniquement à l’appropriation locale d’une OMP comme dans la littérature sur la paix libérale mais en analysant les continuités entre les phases dites de décision et celles de mise en oeuvre. La thèse défendue ici est que le déclenchement d’une OMP se comprend comme le produit de l’activité sociale ayant lieu autour d’un enjeu sécuritaire qui mène à la structuration d’une zone d’action conjoncturelle dans le secteur de la sécurité collective. On parle de conjoncture de maintien de la paix. Le déroulement de l’OMP s’analyse alors comme la poursuite de l’activité au sein de cette zone d’action qui intègre de nouveaux acteurs durant la phase de conduite des opérations. La reconfiguration de la zone d’action peut mener à la poursuite de l’OMP ou à sa fin suivant la dynamique sociale qui se met en place. / Through the example of joint peackeeping operations (PKO) between the United Nations and the European union in Chad and Central african Republic (known by their French acronyms as Eufor Tchad-RCA and Minurcat) between 2008 and 2010, the purpose of this research is to question the social process that lead to the launching and the implementation of a collective security operation knwon as a peacekeeping operation.Though the Anglo-Saxon analyses of peacekeeping inspired by the International Relations theory not often question the decisionnal process, considering the deployment as a rational mean to treat a crisis, this thesis is an analysis of the non-linear social process that led to the deployment of Eufor Tchad-RCA and Minurcat. This analysis allows us to question in an orignal way the dysfunction of peacekeeping by shifting the focus from the local appropriation of the PKO as suggested by the Libera Peace approach to the continuity between decisionnal stages and implementation stages of the PKO. The thesis proposed here is that the launching of a PKO must be understood as the output of the social activity that takes place around a security issue that lead to the structuration of an area of action in the collective security sector. We named that periode a conjuncture of peacekeeping. The conduct of the operation is then analysed as the continuity of the activity in this area of action which includes new actors during its implementation stage. The re setup of the area of action can lead to the pursuit of the PKO or to its end, regarding the social dynamic that is set up.

This thesis deals with cooperation between France, Germany and the United Kingdom within the area of foreign and security policy. Two case studies are presented, one of them concerning cooperation between the three states within and outside institutions in 1980 following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the other dealing with cooperation concerning the crisis in Macedonia in 2001. In accordance with the approach of neoliberal institutionalism the primary hypothesis is that cooperation is primarily determined by the interests of states but it is also limited by norms and affected by the institutions of which the three states are members. The study describes the large variety of forms of cooperation that exist between France, Germany and the United Kingdom, in which the United States also plays an important part, and which also includes their cooperation within a number of international institutions. The study also points to the new forms of interaction between states and institutions that have come about since the Cold War ended, and which give a stronger role to institutions and the cooperation between them. Still, however, states retain a decisive role in cooperation within the field of foreign and security policy.

European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.

European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal