Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:32:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ALEXANDRE OLYMPIO DE SOUZA ESPINDOLA.pdf: 2844261 bytes, checksum: 41c22cfed063641319c30d98434a98ff (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-13 / The dissertation comprises desk research and literature that results of research on public security policies and developing legislation to control the use of drugs in Brazilian law. The object of study fell on the examination of the development of legislation in the Drug Control Law and the Brazilian public policies for prevention. The empirical research that incorporates the dissertation prioritized the Drug-Free School Program (Programa Escola Sem Drogas PESD), managed by the Civil Police of Goiás State, Politics and Public Safety. Were collected and systematized data of annual attendance of PESD, in the period 2006 to 2010, where he found the number of schools attended and number of registered listeners in activities in the state capital. It presents a background of the Drug-Free School program in the context of international frameworks, national and state and national policies. We seek to expose its contribution as intervention process in education andunderstand its analytical approaches that allow to grasp the links between the development of legislation to control the use of drugs in Brazilian law, the public safety policies and limits of the prohibitionist approach. / A dissertação compreende a pesquisa documental e bibliográfica que resulta da investigação sobre as políticas de segurança pública e o desenvolvimento da legislação de controle do uso das drogas no direito brasileiro. O objeto de estudo recaiu sobre o exame do desenvolvimento da legislação de controle das drogas no direito brasileiro e das políticas públicas de prevenção. A investigação empírica que integra a dissertação priorizou o Programa Escola Sem Drogas (PESD), gerenciado pela Polícia Civil do Estado de Goiás, como Política Pública de Segurança. Foram coletados e sistematizados dados dos relatórios anuais de atendimento do PESD, no período de 2006 a 2010, a partir dos quais se verificou o número de escolas atendidas e o número de ouvintes registrados nas atividades desenvolvidas na capital do estado. Apresenta-se uma contextualização do programa quanto aos marcos internacionais, legislação nacional e estadual e políticas nacionais. Busca-se expor sua contribuição como processo interventivo na educação e compreender suas aproximações analíticas que possibilitam apreender os nexos entre o desenvolvimento da legislação de controle do uso das drogas no Direito brasileiro, as políticas de segurança pública e os limites do enfoque proibicionista.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:45:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MARCIANA ALVES BARBOSA.pdf: 7137556 bytes, checksum: c727cd59e5b19ad630ccd00ea58c712d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-18 / The ecotourism in Conservation Units has been growing on a fast way. In Goiás state is the Serra Dourada State Park - SDSP, located in the districts of Goiás, Mossâmedes and Buriti de Goiás, located 131 km from the capital, Goiania - Go In this study examined the possibility of developing a sustainable ecotourism in the SDSP, held a discussion about tourism, sustainable tourism and ecotourism. Characterized the city of Mossâmedes and its relationship with SDSP, has also made the diagnosis (inventory tour) resources that there are in the SDSP (Vegetation / Florest / Ground / Wild animals and Natural Resources). Methodology used was an exploratory research through visits to the SDSP, qualitative and quantitative through a questionnaire among the Mossâmedes population. Most people who participated in the research knows what is a AEP - Area of Environmental Protection and believes that the SDSP should be exploited by ecotourism. It was noticed that the SDSP was created only by a government decree and that in practice the SDSP is totally neglect in (without infrastructure). Do not have the management plan and doesn t have environmental education activities to visitors. It was observed that the holding of a precarious leisure that can not be considered ecotourism. Through the tourist inventory carried out in the SDSP found that the potential for the development of ecotourism are enormous and that depends on the political mobilization of civil society and community in general as a way to stimulate concrete action in favour of ecotourism. / O ecoturismo em Unidades de Conservação vem crescendo de uma forma acelerada. No Estado de Goiás, está o Parque Estadual da Serra Dourada - PESD, localizado nos municípios de Goiás, Mossâmedes e Buriti de Goiás, ficando a 131 Km da Capital, Goiânia-GO. Neste trabalho analisou a possibilidade de desenvolver o ecoturismo sustentável no PESD, realizou uma reflexão sobre turismo, turismo sustentável e ecoturismo. Caracterizou a cidade de Mossâmedes e a sua relação com PESD, realizou também o diagnóstico (inventário turístico) dos recursos existente no PESD (Vegetação/Flora/Solo/Fauna e Recursos Naturais). Utilizou como metodologia a pesquisa exploratória por meio de visitas ao PESD, qualitativa e quantitativa por meio de um questionário junto à população de Mossâmedes-Go. A maioria das pessoas que participou da pesquisa sabe o que é uma APA Área de Proteção Ambiental e acredita que o PESD deve ser explorado pelo ecoturismo. Percebeu-se que o PESD foi criado apenas por um decreto governamental e que na prática o PESD encontra-se totalmente em descaso (sem infra-estrutura). Não possui plano de manejo e nenhuma atividade de educação ambiental para seus visitantes. Foi constatado que existe a exploração de um lazer precário que não pode ser considerado ecoturismo. Através do inventário turístico realizado no PESD verificou-se que as potencialidades para o desenvolvimento do ecoturismo são enormes e que depende da mobilização política da sociedade civil e a coletividade em geral como forma de estimular ações concretas em favor do ecoturismo.

Un demi-siècle après la signature du traité de Dunkerque, la France et le Royaume-Uni signèrent, à Saint Malo, une déclaration sur la défense européenne d’une portée historique fondamentale. Cette déclaration fut à l’origine de la mise en œuvre, dans le cadre de l’Union européenne, de la politique européenne de sécurité et de défense, qui fut déclarée « opérationnelle » à l’occasion du sommet de Laeken, en décembre 2001. Acteurs principaux de ce processus, la France et le Royaume-Uni avaient des intérêts essentiels à garantir dans la conduite des négociations européennes et transatlantiques qui aboutirent à ce compromis historique. Sur la base de documents d’archives récemment déclassifiés ou consultés sur dérogation, d’entretiens menés avec des acteurs de premier plan, ou encore des travaux parlementaires publiés sur cette question, cette thèse se propose d’analyser l’évolution des politiques de défense française et britannique, dans leur acception la plus étendue, en amont de ce processus et à compter de la mise en place de la politique étrangère et de sécurité commune, véritable berceau de la PESD, instituée à l’issue de la conférence intergouvernementale de 1991, qui aboutit à l’établissement de l’Union européenne. / Half a century after the Dunkirk treaty, France and the United Kingdom signed in Saint-Malo a declaration on European defence of paramount historic significance. From this declaration originated the implementation, within the frame of the European Union, of the European Security and Defence Policy, which was declared ‘operational’ in December 2001 during the Laeken Summit. As leading parties of this process France and the United Kingdom had essential interests to safeguard in the conducting of the European and transatlantic negotiations which resulted in this historic compromise. Based on archival records which have been either recently released or consulted by special dispensation, on discussions with leading figures of the period or on parliamentary papers about the question, this thesis intends to analyse the evolution of the French and British defence policies in their fullest sense prior to this process and from the enforcement of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, from which originated the ESDP, instituted at the end of the 1991 Intergovernmental Conference which led to the implementation of the European Union.

Depuis la chute du Mur de Berlin en 1989, l'Union Européenne s'affirme sur le devant de la scène mondiale en s'appuyant sur sa formidable économie. Pourtant, sa politique étrangère commune n'est pas à la mesure de sa taille économique. Sa sécurité est assurée par l'OTAN et des efforts contradictoires se manifestent pour une politique étrangère commune. La construction européenne ne sera complète qu'avec une armée européenne sous une unique bannière. Les crises successives au voisinage de l'Europe rassemblent les europoliticiens qui décident de créer des forces armées trans-européennes avec un mandat clair et avec l'aval de l'OTAN pour éviter le dispersement inutile des ressources capacitaires euro-atlantiques afin de participer aux missions de l'ONU dans la sécurité mondiale. Les efforts du maintien capacitaire de l'Union Européenne entrainent le développement de l'économie industrielle militaire et civile grâce aux innovations duales, sur laquelle s'appuie la politique coercitive de l'Union Européenne. / Since the fall of the Berlin's Wall in 1989, the European Union asserts its leading role in the world through its tremendous economy. But its common foreign policy does not have the size of its economy. lts security is ensured by NATO and the contradictory objectives are embodied in the common foreign policy. The European construction will be complete only when it will have its integrated army under a single banner. The successive crises gather the European lawmakers who decide to create trans-European armed forces with a clear mandate and with the consent of NATO to avoid the dispersal of euro-Atlantic strategic resources in order to participate in the missions of UN in the world's security. The efforts to build up the EU's strength promote the large military and civil economic increases of industrial dual innovations. And the European coercive policy bases on these behalf.

A travers l’exemple des opérations de maintien de la paix (OMP) conjointes entre les Nations Unies et l’Union européenne au Tchad et en République centrafricaine (Eufor Tchad-RCA et Minurcat) entre 2008 et 2010, cette thèse questionne les mécanismes qui mènent au déclenchement d’une opération de sécurité collective dite de maintien de la paix ainsi que son déroulement. Alors que les analyses anglo-saxonnes du maintien de la paix dans le champ des Relations internationales questionnent peu le processus qui mène à leur déploiement, faisant de celui-ci une réponse quasi rationnelle à l’émergence ou la reprise d’une « crise », cette thèse analyse finement le processus non linéaire qui mène au déploiement des opérations Eufor Tchad-RCA et Minurcat. Cela permet d’interroger de manière originale les disfonctionnements du maintien de la paix en ne s’intéressant pas uniquement à l’appropriation locale d’une OMP comme dans la littérature sur la paix libérale mais en analysant les continuités entre les phases dites de décision et celles de mise en oeuvre. La thèse défendue ici est que le déclenchement d’une OMP se comprend comme le produit de l’activité sociale ayant lieu autour d’un enjeu sécuritaire qui mène à la structuration d’une zone d’action conjoncturelle dans le secteur de la sécurité collective. On parle de conjoncture de maintien de la paix. Le déroulement de l’OMP s’analyse alors comme la poursuite de l’activité au sein de cette zone d’action qui intègre de nouveaux acteurs durant la phase de conduite des opérations. La reconfiguration de la zone d’action peut mener à la poursuite de l’OMP ou à sa fin suivant la dynamique sociale qui se met en place. / Through the example of joint peackeeping operations (PKO) between the United Nations and the European union in Chad and Central african Republic (known by their French acronyms as Eufor Tchad-RCA and Minurcat) between 2008 and 2010, the purpose of this research is to question the social process that lead to the launching and the implementation of a collective security operation knwon as a peacekeeping operation.Though the Anglo-Saxon analyses of peacekeeping inspired by the International Relations theory not often question the decisionnal process, considering the deployment as a rational mean to treat a crisis, this thesis is an analysis of the non-linear social process that led to the deployment of Eufor Tchad-RCA and Minurcat. This analysis allows us to question in an orignal way the dysfunction of peacekeeping by shifting the focus from the local appropriation of the PKO as suggested by the Libera Peace approach to the continuity between decisionnal stages and implementation stages of the PKO. The thesis proposed here is that the launching of a PKO must be understood as the output of the social activity that takes place around a security issue that lead to the structuration of an area of action in the collective security sector. We named that periode a conjuncture of peacekeeping. The conduct of the operation is then analysed as the continuity of the activity in this area of action which includes new actors during its implementation stage. The re setup of the area of action can lead to the pursuit of the PKO or to its end, regarding the social dynamic that is set up.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

La gestione civile delle crisi (GCC) si inserisce nel contesto della Politica Europea di Sicurezza e Difesa (PESD) che, a sua volta, è uno degli elementi della più ampia PESC (Politica Estera e di Sicurezza Comune). GCC, PESD e PESC sono componenti delle relazioni esterne dell'Unione europea (UE). La gestione civile delle crisi è una policy dell'UE la cui analisi richiede di rispondere a diversi quesiti teorico pratici: 1) cosa è esattamente la gestione civile delle crisi e a cosa essa corrisponde in ambito UE (Capitolo I); 2) quali sono le caratteristiche generali delle iniziative civili per il mantenimento della pace e della sicurezza internazionali realizzate dalle Nazioni Unite (NU), dall'Organizzazione per la Sicurezza e la Cooperazione in Europa (OSCE), dall'Unione dell'Europa Occidentale e dalla NATO (Capitolo I), 3) come si è sviluppata la GCC dal trattato di Maastricht a oggi (Capitolo II e Capitolo III); 4) come si concepisce, pianifica e lancia una missione di GCC (Capitolo iv); quali sono le missioni di GCC realizzate dall'UE dal 1997 al 2006 (capitolo v); 5) quale è la relazione tra PESC, PESD E GCC e il valore aggiunto della GCC dell'ue rispetto ad altre organizzazioni internazionali (Conclusioni) / Civilian Crisis Management (CCM) is part of the European security and defence policy (ESDP), which is, on its own, an element of the broader common foreign and security policy (CFSP). CCM, ESDP and CFSP are tools of the external relations of the European Union (EU) . Civilian crisis management is a policy of the EU whose analysis requires both a theoretical and practical approach. It is indispensable to understand what civilian crisis management is, in general, and specifically in the framework of the European Union (Chapter I). Afterwards, some attention has been devoted to the investigation of the civilian crisis management initiatives of the United Nations (UN), of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), of the Western European Union (WEU) and of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) (Chapter I). A further step in the understanding of the CCM of the EU is the evaluation of its historical evolution from the Treaty of Maastricht up to 2006 (Chapter II and III). It is also paramount to consider how CCM missions are designed, planned and deployed (Chapter IV) and which missions have been carried trough until 2006 (Chapter V). Finally, it has been evaluated which is the current relations in-between CCM, ESDP and CFSP and which is the added value of EU's CCM compared to the initiatives of other international organizations (Conclusions).

Tentant de sortir du seul modèle connu et qui s’offre aux partenaires européens, à savoir l’OTAN, l’UE se fonde sur un système original et spécifique qui se veut plus efficace devant les défis de sécurité d’aujourd’hui et de demain. En parallèle, l’Alliance atlantique, qui tire pour beaucoup, sa légitimité de l’Histoire du continent européen, essaie de se maintenir en tant qu’acteur privilégié en matière de défense et de sécurité collective. L’objectif de cette thèse est de défendre l’idée de la pertinence de l’Union européenne en tant qu’acteur majeur dans le domaine de la défense et de sécurité tout en mettant en évidence les différences fondamentales entre celle-ci et l’action de l’Alliance atlantique. Ce travail de recherche fournit une analyse doctrinale et conceptuelle, à la fois « éclectique et pluraliste », pour répondre à la question de l’établissement de relations entre plusieurs institutions internationales de sécurité à partir des comportements étatiques en matière de sécurité et de défense collective. Cette analyse ne peut se faire sans se fonder sur les développements politiques et techniques ayant marqué ces vingt-cinq dernières années. Ces faits constituent des éléments tant explicatifs qu’évaluatifs du processus par lequel ces institutions naissent ou se modifient. Ils contribuent également à mettre en lumière les mécanismes d’interdépendance étroite entre l’Alliance atlantique et le processus de la PESD de l’Union européenne, et par ailleurs, de souligner l’originalité de cette dernière. Cette interdépendance existe sur le plan politique et dans ses différents aspects militaires (stratégique, opérationnel et tactique), ainsi que dans le volet technico-industriel ; elle résulte directement tant de la double appartenance historique des États membres à des instruments multilatéraux de sécurité, d’événements politiques majeurs touchant le continent européen, que des efforts entrepris pour faire converger les intérêts nationaux et, donc, le façonnage d’une culture stratégique. / The European Union bases its security system on genuine and specific approach which would allow the face the forthcoming challenges. Meanwhile it has attempted to untangle from the unique model of collective security in the Euroatlantic area, that is to say NATO. This study aims to defend the relevancy of the EU as a major international actor in a large scale of security missions. Moreover it highlights the main differences between the EU vis-à-vis the Alliance’s activities. It is based on a theoretical and conceptual analysis which uses both an eclectic and pluralist approach in order to provide answers on how States’ behavior in defense and collective security matters influences the setting up of relations between several international security institutions. This analysis derives from the political and technical developments that influenced the security landscape the last twenty-five years. These facts help to explain and to evaluate the process by which such institutions arise and develop. They finally contribute to highlight the tight and original interdependency of the between the Atlantic Alliance and the European Security and Defense Policy of the European Union. This interdependency is real from political, military (strategic, operational and tactical) and technical-industrial perspectives ; it directly originates from the historical dual belonging to the multinational security frameworks, from major political events on the European continent, as much as a joint effort to focus on common interests and the shaping of a strategic culture.