Can there be an order of the international system? This article discusses different alternatives of international order starting with the realist assumption of peace by deterrence or balance of power, turning to the idealist view of international cooperation. Finally, the author provides deeper insights into the concept of order established by a hegemonic power including a broad set of historical case studies.

ABSTRACT INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY AND THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF THE MIDDLE EAST: A STATE OF THE FIELD STUDY Tekelioglu, Ahmet Selim M.Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Meliha AltuniSik January 2009, 82 pages This thesis analyzes the level of interaction between International Relations theories and the literature on the international relations of the Middle East. The disciplines- area studies controversy is analyzed in a way to account for the low level of cooperation between International Relations as an academic discipline and Middle East studies. The thesis looks into the literature in order to demonstrate to what extent developments in International Relations theories informed the study of the international relations of the Middle East. The thesis emphasizes the need for a normative/ critical aprroach in order to overcome the bridge beween these fields caused by epistemological and methodological as well as by the political economy of scholarship informed by ideological rivalries.

The aim of the master thesis is to characterize and evaluate the current security system in East Asia, to show the security strategies of the system actors and the existing friction points, and to assess the future development of the security system in place. For this purpose the author first defines the East Asia's security system using the conceptual tools of three international relations theories, namely neo-realism, neo-liberalism, and constructivism. In the following section, the security strategies and security issues are discussed. In the final section, the international relations theories are used again to assess the stability of the current security system and lastly the prospects for a change of the system are evaluated.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro Nogueira Monteiro.pdf: 1532739 bytes, checksum: 1829c6063e48148d176e826d971e723c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-04-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The concepts of state weakness and failure as used nowadays in academic debates and in political discourse have been evolving since the 1980 s. These concepts were based on the ideas proposed by Robert H. Jackson in his 1982 article with Carl Rosberg Why Africa s Weak States Persist and in his 1990 book Quasi-states. Nevertheless, it was after the end of the Cold War that conjuncture contributed to structure the concept of failed state , and to turn it into regular language in both academic and political entourages. These factors were namely the influence of liberal paradigms in the immediate post-Cold War times, and the consequent debates on sovereignty, intervention and human rights, as well as the aftermaths of the events of September 11th, 2001, with the securitisation of the failed state idea. This paper seeks, firstly, to exhibit a brief history of the use of the failed state concept in the post-Cold War era. Secondly, it seeks to present the conceptualisation of state failure such as used by the literature, throwing some light over those conceptual cores that provide unity to the diverse definitions of state failure. Thirdly, it seeks to present some implications of the development of the Failed state concept to the broader theoretical field of International Relations, especially regarding Liberalism, Realism and Post-Positivism / As concepções de fraqueza e de fracasso estatais, nos moldes das acepções utilizadas atualmente no debate acadêmico e no discurso político, vêm-se desenvolvendo desde a década de 1980, fundadas mais especificamente nas idéias apresentadas por Robert H. Jackson em seu Why Africa s Weak States Persist: the Empirical and the Juridical in Statehood , de 1982 (em parceria com Carl Rosberg), e seu Quasi States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World , de 1990. Não obstante, foi no pós-Guerra Fria que importantes fatores conjunturais contribuíram para a estruturação do conceito de Estado fracassado e para a popularização de seu uso, em ambos ambientes acadêmico e político. Entre esses fatores destacam-se, nomeadamente, a influência dos paradigmas liberais no imediato pós-Guerra Fria e os conseqüentes debates sobre soberania, intervenção e direitos humanos, que forneceram uma base intelectual consistente; e os eventos do 11 de setembro de 2001 e seus desdobramentos, que reforçaram a securitização do termo. Este trabalho procura, em primeiro lugar, traçar um breve histórico da utilização do conceito de Estado fracassado no pós-Guerra Fria. Em segundo lugar, busca apresentar a conceituação do fracasso estatal tal como desenvolvido pela literatura, iluminando aqueles eixos conceituais que provém unidade às diferentes definições de fracasso estatal. Em terceiro lugar, pretende apresentar algumas das implicações do desenvolvimento desse conceito sobre o corpo teórico da disciplina de Relações Internacionais, com ênfase no Liberalismo, no Realismo e no Pós- -Positivismo

A pesquisa estuda a paradiplomacia que envolve atividades de relação e cooperação internacionais protagonizadas por unidades públicas subnacionais. Identifica ações desenvolvidas por governos locais e regionais de várias partes do mundo e, em particular, as atividades paradiplomáticas realizadas pelas cidades de São Paulo, no Brasil, e Montevidéu, no Uruguai. A paradiplomacia em estado federado envolve as atividades protagonizadas pelos Municípios, Estados e Distrito Federal e, em estados unitários, compreendem as efetuadas pelos municípios. Com base no referencial teórico indicado inicialmente, bem como na quantificação dos governos locais latino-americanos, o trabalho desenvolve reflexões sobre a malha territorial do poder local na América Latina e as atividades paradiplomáticas na região. A pesquisa analisa, igualmente, as modalidades de cooperação (intergovernamental/ intragovernamental e horizontal/vertical) protagonizadas pelas interações ocorridas entre governos locais (municípios), governos regionais (Estados) e a União, identificadas no âmbito da gestão das políticas públicas na federação brasileira. Realiza, em seguida, com base nestas experiências, um esforço para identificar como são estão tais cooperações, quando realizadas no âmbito da paradiplomacia. Por fim, realiza um estudo da paradiplomacia em São Paulo e Montevidéu analisando as atividades desenvolvidas do final da década de 1980 até meados da década de 2000, por meio de entrevistas a 12 atores-chaves destas cidades vinculados às práticas paradiplomáticas realizadas. / The research holds as reference the study of the paradiplomacy involving international relations and cooperation activities staged by subnational government units. It identifies actions developed by local and regional governments from around the world, but specifically the paradiplomatic activities undertaken by the cities of São Paulo, Brazil, and Montevideo, Uruguay. The paradiplomacy in federal states involves activities leaded by municipalities, states and the Federal District, and in unitary states, includes those developed by local governments. Based on the theoretical framework initially referred to, as well as on the quantification of local governments in Latin America, this paper provides reflections on the territorial mesh of local authorities in Latin America and the paradiplomatic activities in the region. The research analyzes, to an equal degree, the types of cooperation (intergovernmental / intragovernmental and horizontal / vertical) led by interactions occurring between local governments (municipalities), regional governments (states) and the Union, identified in the management of public policies in the Brazilian federation. Then, based on these experiences, it undertakes an effort to identify how such cooperation is done, when carried out under the paradiplomacy. Finally, it performs a study on the paradiplomacy of Sao Paulo and Montevideo analyzing the activities developed from the late 1980s to the mid 2000s, through a standard questionnaire administered, to 12 key stakeholders from these cities that identify and hold the executed paradiplomatic practices.

A pesquisa estuda a paradiplomacia que envolve atividades de relação e cooperação internacionais protagonizadas por unidades públicas subnacionais. Identifica ações desenvolvidas por governos locais e regionais de várias partes do mundo e, em particular, as atividades paradiplomáticas realizadas pelas cidades de São Paulo, no Brasil, e Montevidéu, no Uruguai. A paradiplomacia em estado federado envolve as atividades protagonizadas pelos Municípios, Estados e Distrito Federal e, em estados unitários, compreendem as efetuadas pelos municípios. Com base no referencial teórico indicado inicialmente, bem como na quantificação dos governos locais latino-americanos, o trabalho desenvolve reflexões sobre a malha territorial do poder local na América Latina e as atividades paradiplomáticas na região. A pesquisa analisa, igualmente, as modalidades de cooperação (intergovernamental/ intragovernamental e horizontal/vertical) protagonizadas pelas interações ocorridas entre governos locais (municípios), governos regionais (Estados) e a União, identificadas no âmbito da gestão das políticas públicas na federação brasileira. Realiza, em seguida, com base nestas experiências, um esforço para identificar como são estão tais cooperações, quando realizadas no âmbito da paradiplomacia. Por fim, realiza um estudo da paradiplomacia em São Paulo e Montevidéu analisando as atividades desenvolvidas do final da década de 1980 até meados da década de 2000, por meio de entrevistas a 12 atores-chaves destas cidades vinculados às práticas paradiplomáticas realizadas. / The research holds as reference the study of the paradiplomacy involving international relations and cooperation activities staged by subnational government units. It identifies actions developed by local and regional governments from around the world, but specifically the paradiplomatic activities undertaken by the cities of São Paulo, Brazil, and Montevideo, Uruguay. The paradiplomacy in federal states involves activities leaded by municipalities, states and the Federal District, and in unitary states, includes those developed by local governments. Based on the theoretical framework initially referred to, as well as on the quantification of local governments in Latin America, this paper provides reflections on the territorial mesh of local authorities in Latin America and the paradiplomatic activities in the region. The research analyzes, to an equal degree, the types of cooperation (intergovernmental / intragovernmental and horizontal / vertical) led by interactions occurring between local governments (municipalities), regional governments (states) and the Union, identified in the management of public policies in the Brazilian federation. Then, based on these experiences, it undertakes an effort to identify how such cooperation is done, when carried out under the paradiplomacy. Finally, it performs a study on the paradiplomacy of Sao Paulo and Montevideo analyzing the activities developed from the late 1980s to the mid 2000s, through a standard questionnaire administered, to 12 key stakeholders from these cities that identify and hold the executed paradiplomatic practices.

L'étude a porté sur deux outils élaborés par l’Union européenne à l'appui de ses politiques d'allocation d'aide extérieure au bénéfice principalement d'Etats en développement et participant à sa stratégie de promotion du respect de droits de l’homme dans les Etats tiers. Il s'agit du mécanisme de conditionnalité démocratique d’une part, et de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance d’autre part. L'une des principales critiques que la doctrine adresse à l’Union au sujet de sa politique de conditionalité est son incapacité à répondre à l’une des attentes fondamentales qui la sous-tend, à savoir : la naissance d’une politique d’aide extérieure détachée des considérations géopolitiques et visant à protéger et promouvoir efficacement les droits de l’homme. Dans la mesure où la doctrine en attribue en général la responsabilité à l’absence de clarté et de prévisibilité du mécanisme de la conditionnalité démocratique, cette critique eut dû conduire à l’élaboration d’un régime davantage juridicisé. Or, l'émergence de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance révèle que l’Union n’a pas opté pour une telle solution. C’est alors que, divisant mon étude en deux parties, la première affectée à l’étude du mécanisme conditionnel et la seconde affectée à l’étude de la doctrine de gouvernance, je me suis interrogée sur les raisons pour lesquelles l’Union avait pu choisir de recourir d’abord à un appel au droit, et ensuite à une repolitisation partielle de son mécanisme. Prenant appui sur une étude des documents officiels des institutions européennes, de la pratique de l'Union et des théories des relations internationales, l'étude tend à révéler les atouts et les limites théoriques de chacune de ces stratégies déstinées à suciter des réformes particulières dans les Etats partenaires de l’Union.Il apparaîtra que l’appel au droit opéré dans le cadre du mécanisme de conditionnalité répondait à des besoins et à une logique spécifiques lors de son institution, mais que la forme juridicisée du mécanisme conditionnel tel qu’institué se heurtait à diverses limites. La doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance, dans le même temps qu’elle acte ces limites et tend à les dépasser, amène à de nouveaux questionnements. The study related to both EU tools, affecting its external aid policies and contributing to its human rights strategy : conditionality and governance. One of the main critic that the doctrine addresses to EU conditionality, is its incapacity to lead to an external aid free of geopolitical considerations and acting to protect and promote effectively the human rights. The doctrine explains this weakness by pointing out the mechanism of conditionality’s lack of clearness and previsibility. Despite this critic is pleading for a more legalized mechanism, the governance strategy reveals that the Union did not choose such a solution.Then, dividing the study into two parts, the first assigned to conditional mechanism and the second assigned to governance, I’m asking the reason why a less legalized mecanism succeeded to conditionality. Based on cooperation agreements, strategic orientations, EU practice and the international relations theories, the study tends to reveal the assets and limits of the two strategies. It appears that the legalization process of conditionality can be explained by specific needs but it encountered various limits. At the same times, while strategy based on Governance adresses some of them, this new tool reveals new questions.

L'étude a porté sur deux outils élaborés par l’Union européenne à l'appui de ses politiques d'allocation d'aide extérieure au bénéfice principalement d'Etats en développement et participant à sa stratégie de promotion du respect de droits de l’homme dans les Etats tiers. Il s'agit du mécanisme de conditionnalité démocratique d’une part, et de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance d’autre part. L'une des principales critiques que la doctrine adresse à l’Union au sujet de sa politique de conditionalité est son incapacité à répondre à l’une des attentes fondamentales qui la sous-tend, à savoir :la naissance d’une politique d’aide extérieure détachée des considérations géopolitiques et visant à protéger et promouvoir efficacement les droits de l’homme. Dans la mesure où la doctrine en attribue en général la responsabilité à l’absence de clarté et de prévisibilité du mécanisme de la conditionnalité démocratique, cette critique eut dû conduire à l’élaboration d’un régime davantage juridicisé. Or, l'émergence de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance révèle que l’Union n’a pas opté pour une telle solution. C’est alors que, divisant mon étude en deux parties, la première affectée à l’étude du mécanisme conditionnel et la seconde affectée à l’étude de la doctrine de gouvernance, je me suis interrogée sur les raisons pour lesquelles l’Union avait pu choisir de recourir d’abord à un appel au droit, et ensuite à une repolitisation partielle de son mécanisme. Prenant appui sur une étude des documents officiels des institutions européennes, de la pratique de l'Union et des théories des relations internationales, l'étude tend à révéler les atouts et les limites théoriques de chacune de ces stratégies déstinées à suciter des réformes particulières dans les Etats partenaires de l’Union.Il apparaîtra que l’appel au droit opéré dans le cadre du mécanisme de conditionnalité répondait à des besoins et à une logique spécifiques lors de son institution, mais que la forme juridicisée du mécanisme conditionnel tel qu’institué se heurtait à diverses limites. La doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance, dans le même temps qu’elle acte ces limites et tend à les dépasser, amène à de nouveaux questionnements.<p><p>The study related to both EU tools, affecting its external aid policies and contributing to its human rights strategy :conditionality and governance. One of the main critic that the doctrine addresses to EU conditionality, is its incapacity to lead to an external aid free of geopolitical considerations and acting to protect and promote effectively the human rights. The doctrine explains this weakness by pointing out the mechanism of conditionality’s lack of clearness and previsibility. Despite this critic is pleading for a more legalized mechanism, the governance strategy reveals that the Union did not choose such a solution.Then, dividing the study into two parts, the first assigned to conditional mechanism and the second assigned to governance, I’m asking the reason why a less legalized mecanism succeeded to conditionality. Based on cooperation agreements, strategic orientations, EU practice and the international relations theories, the study tends to reveal the assets and limits of the two strategies. It appears that the legalization process of conditionality can be explained by specific needs but it encountered various limits. At the same times, while strategy based on Governance adresses some of them, this new tool reveals new questions.<p><p> / Doctorat en droit / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished