Thesis (MTech (Business Administration))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2018. / Service delivery is one of the most important aspects of the Higher Education sector not only when dealing with international students. It is imperative that higher education institutions should monitor and evaluate its administrative and academic employees. There is a need for a good performance system, which includes standards that define whether staff performances have merits or shortcomings. This will encourage staff to be proficient in their work environment. It is also important to equip staff with service delivery training. This research project examines staff and students’ experiences of internationalisation at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology. The researcher identified problems that international students encountered at CPUT, subsequently made recommendations, which deal with how to improve CPUT services to international students. The researcher undertook a quantitative research approach by administering a closed-ended questionnaire, which was compiled by a registered statistician. The study found that most of the participants did not understand or were not aware of internationalisation at CPUT. A majority of the participants did not understand their role when it came to assisting international students. They perceived that whatever international students required had to be sought from the international office. They understood their role within CPUT in terms of meeting the university’s objectives, as being that, which is set out in the university’s Vision and Mission.

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<p>During the spring 2007 Estonia and Russia collided in the biggest international conflict among themselves since the break up of the Soviet Union. The conflict concerned about the issue of Estonia’s removal of a soviet bronze statue from central Tallinn to a garden of honour, due to Estonia thought that the statue represented oppression. Chaos developed in Tallinn with disturbances and plunder. The relations between Estonia and Russia became very strained, as Russia considered the movement of the statue wrong. This thesis has examined how the two parties have handled this international conflict through measure how international they are from an official perspective. An examination has been made to see how well the two nations follow the official perspective in a real case. To be able to measure internationalism, a model by Kjell Goldmann has been used, where the idealistic internationalist should follow a certain pat-tern; outward-looking, universalism, coexistence-orientated, moderate. The re-sult showed that Estonia follows the idealistic international pattern owing to a well developed cooperation and membership in international organizations. While Russia ended up in the opposite side, the non internationalist pattern, due to difficulties with cooperation and too much inward looking approach towards the own country.</p> / <p>Våren 2007 hamnade Estland och Ryssland i den största internationella konflikten sinsemellan sedan sönderfallet av Sovjetunionen. Konflikten handlade om att Estland flyttade en sovjetisk bronsstaty från centrala Tal-linn till en krigskyrkogård, då man tyckte att den symboliserade förtryck. I Tallinn blev det ett kaos med oroligheter och plundring som följd. Relatio-nerna mellan Estland och Ryssland blev mycket ansträngda, då Ryssland an-såg att det var fel av Estland att flytta statyn. Denna uppsats har undersökt hur de båda parterna hanterade denna internationella konflikt genom att först mäta hur internationella de var utifrån ett officiellt perspektiv. För att sedan studera om de handlade i en internationell konflikt utifrån den offici-ella bilden. För att kunna mäta internationalism har en modell av Kjell Goldmann använts, där den idealistiske internationalisten skall vara enligt följande mönster; utåtsträvande, universell, samarbetsorienterad och mode-rat. Resultatet visade att Estland följer det idealistiska internationella mönst-ret tack vare ett mycket utvecklat samarbete och medlemskap i olika inter-nationella organisationer. Medan Ryssland hamnade på motsatt icke idealis-tisk internationalistisk sida på grund av svårigheter för internationella sam-arbeten och för mycket inåtsträvan till det egna landet.</p>

This critical exploratory study investigates the perceptions and practices of Norwegian lecturers on the implementation of a policy of English as a Medium of Instruction (EMI) at their Higher Education Institution (HEI). It focuses on their attitudes towards English usage, how they have been prepared and cope in the classroom, and looks at their language and pedagogic competences. The socio-cultural context of using English inside and outside the auditorium is explored and leads to questions of Anglo/American influence and Norwegian domain loss. The study is informed by critical Applied Linguistics (CALx), linguistic imperialism and Bourdieu’s theories on social capital and power. It examines teaching through critical pedagogy and Vygotsky’s socio-cultural theory of learning to aid understanding of classroom engagement and communication, and successful learning. This study has been informed by the critical approach to challenge normative assumptions of the use of EMI. Qualitative methods were used to collect data; twenty Norwegian teaching academics were interviewed, of whom five were observed whilst teaching. Careful coding and analysis of the data revealed surprising attitudes and perceptions varying from enthusiasm to anxiety for EMI. The participants generally accepted the top-down decision making by the administration on the increase of EMI and English usage. The influences of globalisation and commodification at HEIs combined with the rapid increase in English usage seem to have led to increased power of the management and bureaucratization. Some participants, mostly from the humanities, felt they lacked voice and agency in the implementation and their preparation for EMI, whilst some from the sciences actively embraced English and some wanted English as the working language in HEIs. There was a general feeling that more time and language resources were needed for professional development to cope with the change to EMI. All the participants worked hard to succeed in EMI; they were aiming at NS language competencies and wanted to be better at grammar, pronunciation and terminology, but seemed unaware of the pragmatic level of communication required for teaching and did not recognise the necessity of pedagogic training for EMI. There was a lack of dialogic teaching making co-constructed learning challenging and transformative pedagogy more difficult to achieve. They adapted to the multi-cultural/lingual classroom in a pragmatic manner, but were not given spaces for counter-pedagogies, critical pedagogy and the ideals of the transformative intellectual. The research reveals five areas of concern: a) inadequate English language at the pragmatic level for the demands of EMI, b) inadequate pedagogic skills for the multi-lingual and cultural classroom, c) concern over local and international students’ level of English, d) standardized, Anglo/American teaching materials leading to a lack of diversity and critical approaches, and e) the threat to academic Norwegian from international academics not learning Norwegian, the publishing reward system at Norwegian HEIs and the perceived status of English, and the resultant decline in dissemination to the general public. However juxtaposed to the above points, most participants experienced the international classroom positively and were well-received by and pleased to be in their academic Community of Practice resulting generally in an ambivalent attitude to EMI.

This study discusses the evolutionist approach to African history as an action plan for challenging the hegemony of English in university education and in the teaching and writing of literature in post-independence Africa. The researcher selected Zimbabwe’s university education and literary practice as the microcosm case studies whilst Africa’s university education and literary practice in general, were used as macrocosmic case studies for the study. Some two universities: the Midlands State University and the Great Zimbabwe State University and some six academic departments from the two universities were on target. The researcher used questionnaires to access data from university students and lecturers and he used interviews to gather data from university departmental Chairpersons, scholars, fiction writers and stakeholders in organizations that deal with language growth and development in Zimbabwe. Data from questionnaires was analysed on the basis of numerical scores and percentage of responses. By virtue of its not being easily quantified, data from interviews was presented through capturing what each of the thirteen key informants said and was then analysed on the basis of the hegemonic theory that is proposed in this study. The research findings were discussed using: the evolutionist approach to the history of Africa; data from document analysis; information gathered through the use of the participant and observer technique and using examples from what happened and/or is still happening in the different African countries. The study established that the approaches which have so far been used to challenge the hegemony of English in post-independence Africa are not effective. The approaches are six in total. They are the essentialist, the assimilationist, the developmentalist, the code-switch, the multilingualist and the syncretic. They are ineffective since they are used in a wrong era: That era, is the era of Neocolonialism (Americanization of the world). Therefore, the researcher has recommended the use of the evolutionist approach to African history as a strategy for challenging the hegemony in question. The approach lobbies that, for Africa to successfully challenge that hegemony, she should first of all move her history from the era of Neocolonialism as she enters the era of Nationalism. / African Languages / (D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages))

In July 1936, units of the Spanish military, backed by a collection of domestic right-wing elements and by fascist governments elsewhere in Europe, staged a rebellion against the legally constituted national government that had been elected five months previously. The governing bloc, an ideologically broad coalition of liberal republicans, Marxists, and anarchists known as the People's Front, embodied the strategy formulated by Stalin and the Communist International (Comintern) in Moscow to stem the advance of international fascism and mitigate the danger it posed to the Soviet Union and, by extension, the communist movement and the global radical working class it represented. During the destructive and bloody civil war that ensued, the Comintern sponsored recruitment of anti-fascist volunteer fighters from around the world. Before the war ended, nearly 3,000 Americans had surreptitiously traveled to Spain to defend its republican government. This thesis addresses the question of how these volunteers came to develop an allegiance to their global political and social movement strong enough to motivate them to risk death in what they perceived to be its defense against fascism. Drawing on the theoretical formulations of political scientists Benedict Anderson and David Malet, this thesis will demonstrate that over the course of a century, radical proletarian internationalism developed into a community of working-class revolutionaries, mostly within or allied to communist parties, whose shared ideological formulations and sociopolitical aspirations bound them together, irrespective of nationality. American members of that global community - whose numbers and influence had recently expanded in the context of the Great Depression and the People's Front strategy of liberal-left conciliation - had their perceptions and priorities about the Spanish crisis shaped by the American communist press. Examination and analysis of its coverage of the political, social, and military dimensions of the conflict there will demonstrate it to have been copious and persistent, imparting unmistakably to its readership the centrality of the Spanish people's struggle against fascism in the defense of the global working class, whose political and social survival was at stake. The thesis will argue, in the context of the contentious historiography of American communism, that although the messages conveyed to American proletarian internationalists via the communist press reflected policies and priorities determined in Moscow and designed to serve the interests of the Soviet state, American anti-fascists were for the most part well informed ideologues whose decisions reflected both the concerted influences of their movement's leadership as well as their own deep commitments to a more equitable world.

The collapse of Nazi Germany was accompanied by a humanitarian disaster of staggering proportions. The newly-founded United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) and its successor the International Refugee Organization (IRO) identified repairing the damage that the war had inflicted on Allied displaced populations as one of its foremost humanitarian obligations. These UN agencies cast themselves as pre-eminent agents of ‘rehabilitation’, facilitating a fast transition from war to peace through scientific methods of refugee management conducted along Rooseveltian lines. Departing from earlier relief efforts, their ambition was to provide more than a mere ‘soup kitchen’ charity, their aim being to ‘rehabilitate’ Displaced Persons (DPs). Their methods were, however, vigorously contested in the field by military and occupation authorities, by members of established voluntary societies, and by UNRRA/IRO’s own continental recruits. This thesis explores these confrontations through the lens of French DP administration. Although these UN agencies proclaimed a new era of internationalism, solutions to DP problems were often defined in nationalist terms. DPs were organised by ethnicity and strong ties attached relief workers to their own national groups. For French planners and humanitarian workers, the DP question was much more than a humanitarian problem, and was bound up with issues of domestic reconstruction, culture and identity as much as the provision of medical aid and relief. This thesis demonstrates that distinctive diplomatic constraints, economic requirements and cultural differences influenced the thought and practices of refugee humanitarianism, shaping alternate ways of arranging interim provision and ‘rehabilitating’ DPs in the French zone of occupation. Despite the fact that Allied responses to the DP problem mirrored divergent wartime experiences and differing national visions for the post-war future, this thesis argues that the history of UNRRA and the IRO in the French zone cannot be solely understood as a story of inter-Allied confrontation and clashes of political culture. Numerous transfers of expertise and the circulation of ideas and people between the zones belie such a view. New-Deal influenced methods penetrated the French zone and local UNRRA/IRO staff progressively embraced the organizations’ declared mission of ‘self-help’, albeit on terms that reflected their particular interpretation of DPs’ best interests. The real impact of UNRRA and the IRO lies in this grey area of subtle processes of imitation and re-interpretation.

Abstract: This is a study of the influence of anarchism and syndicalism (a variant of anarchism) on the left and labour movements in South Africa between the 1890s and the 1920s, but with a focus on the first two decades of the twentieth century. Internationally, this was a period of widespread working class unrest and radicalism, and the apogee, the “glorious period”, of anarchist and syndicalist influence from the 1890s to the 1920s. The rising influence of anarchism and syndicalism was reflected in South Africa, where it widely influenced the left, as well as significant sections of the local labour movement, as well as layers of the nationalist movements. This influence also spilled into neighbouring countries, fostering a movement that was multi-racial in composition, as well as internationalist and interracial in outlook. These developments are today almost entirely forgotten, and have been largely excised from the literature: this thesis is, above all, a work of recovering the history of a significant tradition, a history that has significant implications for understanding the history of left and labour movements in South Africa and southern Africa.

O trabalho investiga a relação entre documentação e internacionalismo na obra de Paul Otlet (1868-1944), com foco particular no papel do internacionalismo sobre a formação das problemáticas e soluções em torno do documento. Adotaram-se como procedimentos metodológicos levantamento, revisão e análise bibliográfico-documental, constituindo-se um corpus da produção de Otlet e de textos de seus intérpretes. Observa-se a centralidade da Primeira Guerra Mundial na argumentação de Otlet quanto ao funcionamento da vida social, e os modelos descritivos baseados na biologia, na físico-química industrial e no racionalismo pelos quais ele compreende a dinâmica social. Expõe-se seu diagnóstico de crise de crescimento e adaptação das estruturas sociopolíticas frente à internacionalização - a insuficiência do Estado-nação, a proliferação das associações internacionais, a necessidade de uma Sociedade das Nações -, e aponta-se como o internacionalismo se manifesta em seu pensamento tanto como fato quanto como posição política. Discute-se o entendimento de Otlet quanto à documentação como um fenômeno sociotécnico, observando como sua construção fundamenta e fundamenta-se sobre uma visão evolucionária do homem e da sociedade. Observa-se sua articulação das figuras de matéria e força para descrever a ação da documentação sobre o pensamento humano, expondo o documento como condição material para as possibilidades de comunicação duradoura, construção de conhecimento objetivo e em última instância de coesão social. Demonstra-se o contexto do entre-guerras como o momento em que Otlet buscara viabilizar institucionalmente a relação entre documentação e internacionalismo por meio de uma nova estrutura organizacional, o Palais mondial (mais tarde Mundaneum), e pela demanda de reconhecimento pela Liga das Nações das demandas sociais por cooperação intelectual internacional. Expõe-se como Otlet conectaria assim o desenvolvimento de consenso e a possibilidade de ação democrática ao desenvolvimento do conhecimento e à organização dos documentos. Aponta-se, por fim, a interdependência entre documentação e internacionalismo em Otlet como exemplo da necessidade de se considerar os elementos políticos e sociais subjacentes às concepções teóricas e técnicas na Ciência da Informação. / This research investigates the relationship between documentation and internationalism in Paul Otlet\'s (1868-1944) thought, focusing specifically in how internationalism informs the problematics and solutions surrounding the document. The methods employed were bibliographic and documentary survey, review and analysis of a corpus of Otlet\'s texts, as well as texts form his interpreters. It observes the centrality of the First World War in Otlet\'s reasoning concerning the workings of social life, and the descriptive models based on biology, industrial physics and chemistry, and rationalism through which he understood social dynamics. It exposes his diagnosis of a crisis of social growth and adaptation to internationalization - the insufficiency of the Nation-State, the proliferation of international associations, the need for a Society of Nations -, and it establishes how internationalism manifests in his thought both as a fact and as a political position. It discusses Otlet\'s understanding of documentation as a sociotechnical phenomenon, following how its construction supports and is supported by an evolutionary view of man and society. It observes how he employs the images of matter and force to describe the effect of documentation on human thought, pointing out the document as the material condition for the possibilities of sustained communication, the development of objective knowledge and ultimately social cohesion. It demonstrates how in the years between the World Wars Otlet aimed to establish institutionally the connection between documentation and internationalism, both by conceiving a new organizational structure, the Palais mondial (later Mundaneum), and by arguing for the League of Nations\' recognition of the social demands for international intellectual cooperation. It exposes how Otlet connected thus the development of social consensus and the possibility of democratic action to the development of knowledge and the organization of documents. Finally, it points out the interdependence between documentation and internationalism in Otlet\'s thought as an example of the need to consider the political and social elements underlying theoretical and technical conceptions in Information Science.

The system of states that now covers the planet did not arise out of thin air; rather it was the product of historical forces that gradually coalesced around the state form. But the dynamics of that process no longer obtain. In their place, a new, highly complex amalgam of material and ideational forces is now in the ascendant -- and its arrival has serious implications for traditionally configured, "Westphalian" states. Understood as ("thick") globalization, this interlocking array of political, economic, social and cultural forces challenges the old order at two key points. First, traditional states had "hard shells," by means of which they were capable of consolidating differences between �inside� and �outside� to the point where the latter could more easily be quarantined. Second, for closely related reasons they were largely able to "absorb" domestic society, such that the individual was less a citizen than (s)he was a subject. But these (dubious) capabilities have been severely exposed and eroded, which leads us to ask, "Whither the state under globalization?" My thesis constitutes a sustained attempt to answer this question. The theme is a large one - and I believe that to be adequately treated, large themes require a varied approach. First, in terms of theory this means that I borrow from a significant diversity of recognized �Schools� within the discipline of International Relations. Second, in terms of method I follow a similarly pluralist line. Broadly speaking, the work is interpretive as opposed to explanatory, which is to concede that one cannot be �purely� scientific while standing inside the phenomena one wishes to examine. On the other hand, this forecloses neither the scientific method nor its guiding spirit. With respect to states and the international system, we can still be "scientific realists:" states are real structures whose nature can legitimately be approximated through sciences. In sum, I cleave to a sort of methodological middle ground between science and interpretation, taking from each in the measure that they advance the discussion. Third, in terms of normative intent my chief concern is with the way things are; but as it turns out, the way things are increasingly includes the way they ought to be. In other words, the ontology of our globalizing world is increasingly deontological in texture. This may sound contradictory. Nevertheless, the spread of universal norms - and of equally universal ordering principles, or patterns of global organization - has undeniable repercussions for the relationship between is and ought. In turn, the implications for states are profound. The answer to my central question, "Wither the state under globalization?" is this: we are now on the threshold of a neo-medieval era of segmented political authority. Centrally nested within this new order is the embedded cosmopolitan state, wherein universal and particular aspects of being can now be fully reconciled.