The past eight years have seen a great increase in Internet usage in American culture and politics. It would seem that, in our digital age, the Internet has exercised strong effects on political behavior and even on legislators. This thesis explores the variety and intensity of these effects, finding them to be substantial and growing, although not yet robust. The main influences the net has exerted on American politics take place predominantly within two areas: political campaigns and online political interest groups. Activists are certainly using the Internet for political causes, but this sort of Internet usage is really just an extension of previous activism. The Internet does not create new habits; it simply offers a more convenient method of reading the news, communicating to others, or performing other activities we have already been inclined to perform. Even those Internet users who access political web sites are shown preeminently to be those who have otherwise accessed political information in other ways such as newspapers or televised news. So far the Internet has made campaign donations easier for people who are comfortable surfing the World Wide Web. But there is little evidence to show that these people would not have otherwise donated to the campaign by more traditional methods. The Internet has made political activism easier, but people who are not politically active will not suddenly change simply because the Internet offers itself as an expedient, inexpensive tool. We have seen, however, with groups like MoveOn.org, that activists are rallying, communicating, and demonstrating more efficiently than ever before. The political parties or groups that can most effectively use the Internet to mobilize voters and affect public opinion will greatly benefit themselves.

In the age of technology and with rapid expansion of social media outside of simply the social realm (entertainment), as it delves into the political realm, it is important to assess the implications that new technologies will have on our democracy. The purpose of this study is to attempt to predict the ramifications of the internet on American politics and the impact it is having on political norms and responsibilities. The norms that are expressly being examined are voter turnout and partisanship. We have seen in recent elections how individual candidates have utilized the internet to further their own campaigns and policy objectives. Indeed, President Barack Obama’s first campaign was hailed for its effective grassroots employment of social media to interact with young voters. This greatly contributed to his victory in the 2008 election over Republican John McCain. Donald Trump employed similar tactics in 2016, notoriously using Twitter to spread his message to his loyal base. President Trump also utilized claims of misinformation from the established political “gate-keepers” (i.e., mainstream media) to further push his narrative, further diminishing the power of established media outlets and propelling more people to alternative online outlets to receive their political information. This study looks at the long-term effects of such use, and how the voters are responding, and will seek to answer three main questions: (1) Are individuals outside of the typical voting elite (highly educated and/or wealthy) utilizing the internet for political purposes? (2) Does campaigning and/or policy projection via the web have any impact on election outcomes, or is it serving as another platform to reach out to an already loyal base? (3) Is the internet breaking down political divides and expanding the politically independent group, or has partisanship increased because of the internet?

The thesis explores the role and impact of the internet on Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora political activism, focusing on both the experiences of political activists and on an analysis of web content related to diaspora activism. The central argument of the thesis is based around the relationship between political agents and cyberspace. The thesis argues that the political strategies and tactics adopted in the Tamil diasporan political sphere have changed with an increased dependence on the internet changing with it the politics and lives of individual activists. Cyberspace is presented as a site of power struggle with power as both an objective and source in micro-political struggles. The thesis also highlights the double sense of space attributed to cyberspace, both as a space facilitating political activism and as a qualitatively new space for politics. It traces the manifestation of violence in cyberspace based on its extensive reach and the collateral damage it can cause in political conflicts. Also the thesis argues that these intense web engagements for domination and resistance within the diaspora communities cause the emergence of new political priorities in Tamil diaspora politics. These do not parallel political developments in the conflict back in Sri Lanka. The thesis is based on research conducted from 2005 to 2008 during heightened rivalries between supporters of the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) and dissident Tamil diaspora political activists which involved the extensive use of cyberspace for political purposes. The empirical research consisted of an integrated framework of online and offline research. The offline research was based on eight months of fieldwork in London including interviews with Tamil diaspora political activists across the spectrum from pro-LTTE to anti-LTTE dissidents. The online research was based on the technique of Web Sphere Analysis, which enables a framing of web content into a coherent unit of analysis.

This diploma thesis deals with the fate of Milada Horáková. It focuses on media responses regarding the trial, the film production Milada and the responses to it, the opinions of experts and further portrayal of the fate of the only woman executed in political trials. The first part of the diploma thesis is devoted to the life of Milada Horáková and is set in the context of that period. It also gives a detailed description of the trial preparations and subsequently explains the details of each day prior to the trial with all thirteen defendants. The initial part of the thesis analyzes the contemporary media responses of the three most important daily newspapers of that time, Rudé právo, Svobodné slovo and Lidová demokracie. Finally, the thesis deals with the rehabilitation of Milada Horáková and the responses regarding the matter in the summer of 1968 in the above-mentioned dailies. The second part of the thesis starts with defining the historical biographical motion picture as a genre. Subsequently, it describes the film Milada in detail and it gives a brief overview of the film's director David Mrnka and his opinion on the film. The thesis continues with the analysis of the actual film and its comparison with the actual sequence of events as well as Jan Mudra's documentary The Case of Dr....

Digital media have become an integral part of many people’s everyday lives and constitute an intimate presence therein. Utilizing the concept of digital intimacy to focus on these recent developments, this doctoral dissertation takes the perspectives of feminist cultural studies and affect theory to analyze how digital media are becoming more intimate and how in turn intimacy is remediated within digital cultures. This research brings together three different strategic examples of digital intimacy. The first is chosen from the context of online hate and harassment, and works to counteract digital forms of intimidation. The second is from the world of software development training initiatives tailored for women and designed to make them digitally intimate. The third investigates the digital subculture around ASMR (‘autonomous sensory meridian response’), which is an intimate multi-sensory stimulation induced by such things as online video clips. It is argued that these three initiatives are good illustrations of contemporary gender relations in digital cultures, and also do digital media differently. This  means that they develop and apply sometimes straightforward, sometimes rather playful strategies to counteract gender-based inimicalities (such as forms of discrimination or exclusion, or objectification) within digital cultures. The thesis argues that such digitally intimate strategies can be utilized analytically in order to contribute to contemporary feminist internet politics. / Digitala medier har blivit en integrerad del av och en intim närvaro i många människors vardag. Med hjälp av begreppet digital intimitet, som tar dessa förändringar på allvar, analyserar denna avhandling hur digitala medier blir mer intima och hur intimitet remedieras i digitala kulturer. Detta görs utifrån perspektiv hämtade från feministiska kulturstudier och affektteori. Tre olika strategiska exempel på digital intimitet diskuteras. Det första exemplet hanterar näthat och trakasserier online och utgör ett slags  motståndsstrategier. Det andra handlar om utbildningsinitiativ inom programmering riktade till kvinnor, ämnade att ge kvinnor större digital tillgång, närhet och närvaro. Det tredje fallet undersöker den digitala subkulturen kring ASMR (’autonomous sensory meridian response’), en intim multi-sensorisk stimulering som ofta understöds av videoklipp online. Det hävdas här att dessa strategiska exempel, först och främst, synliggör samtida genusrelationer i digitala kulturer, men även visar hur digitala medier gör genus på nya sätt. Med detta menas att i medierna både bevaras genuskonventioner och tillämpas nya, ibland lekfulla strategier för att motverka könsrelaterad fientlighet inom digitala kulturer. Avhandlingen hävdar att de tre studerade strategierna för digital intimitet kan användas analytiskt för att bidra till en samtida feministisk internetpolitik.

A domain name is a unique alphanumeric designation that facilitates reference to sets of numbers which actually locate a particular computer on the Internet. Domain names are a fundamental part of the Internet's user interface. Improving the usability of the Internet depends upon effective domain name policy. This study is intended to contribute to improvement in Internet usability for the end users of domain names. Benefits of more usable domain names include: higher sales, customer satisfaction and productivity, and reduced support costs. Domain name policies worldwide vary considerably. Consequently, end users are inconvenienced by contradictory domain name policies, diminishing the predictability of an entity's domain name, and thus decreasing usability for end users. The study objective was to develop criteria with which policy makers can evaluate their domain name policies, in order to improve the usability of domain names for end users. The main research question posed was: What are the criteria for an effective domain name policy? The research methodology included a literature review, domain name policy examination and an ethnographic narrative. The literature review found existing research examining either domain names or usability in isolation. However, research examining the intersection of the two is scarce. The existing research describes domain names as part of the web user interface. In practical terms, this is about how people use domain names to access web sites, email addresses and other Internet resources. It was established that the predictability (and thus usability) of domain names relies on effective domain name policy. The non-standardised and widely delegated process of domain name policy development leads to unpredictable and inconsistent domain names. The narrative recollection presented the researcher's inside perspective on the domain name industry, with a focus on domain name usability. The researcher provided first-hand insights into the evolution of the industry and policy development process, from Australian and international perspectives. To address the problem of poor domain name usability, a framework for domain name policy evaluation is proposed. The framework extends the current research that treats domain names as a user interface by proposing criteria which address usability concerns. The framework allows policy makers to critically assess domain name policies with end users in mind. Examples of the criteria include: understanding who are its intended and untended users, and whether it's consistent with other domain names. The framework has the potential to set an international standard for the critical evaluation of domain name policy, and become the basis for further research. This study was developed from the researcher's perspective as a participant in the domain name industry. A secondary lens regarding the usability of domain names was then applied. This study has only scraped the surface in terms of how the research fields of domain names and usability may be considered together. The research methodology for this study was primarily qualitative and interpretive. A quantitative study of domain name policies globally could provide further insight into areas including: the differences in second level country code domain names, and language implications of domain names.