The period of English history between the second Civil War and the Restoration opened up seemingly unlimited possibilities for shaping the country�s future. The period likewise witnessed an unprecedented surge of political imagination, a development which is particularly visible in Interregnum utopianism. More than ever before, utopianism orientates itself to a hopeful and expectant reality. It is no longer fictional or contemplative. Its ambitions and fulfilment are political; there is a drive towards active political participation. Utopianism reshapes its former boundaries and reinvents itself as reality utopianism. Considering this new reality-orientated identity, the utopias of the 1650s are especially useful in providing an insight into the political imagination of this period. This thesis studies three reality utopias of the 1650s: Winstanley�s The Law of Freedom, Harrington�s Oceana and Hobbes�s Leviathan. Each work represents a uniquely different utopian vision: Winstanley imagines an agrarian communism, Harrington revives classical republicanism, and Hobbes stresses absolute sovereignty. These three different utopian visions not only illustrate the range of the political imagination; they provide an opportunity to examine different ways to deal with the existing political and social concerns of the Interregnum and different perspectives for ideal solutions. Interregnum utopianism is shaped by the expectations and violence of the English Revolution and accordingly it is characterised by the heightened hopes and fears of its time. Despite substantial differences in the three utopias, the elemental hopes and fears expressed in these works remain similar. The hope for change and a better future is negotiated textually with a fear of anarchy and violence. In the end a compromise between opportunity and security has to be found. It is this compromise that shapes the face of Interregnum utopianism and reflects a major aspect of the post-revolutionary political imagination in England.

The period of English history between the second Civil War and the Restoration opened up seemingly unlimited possibilities for shaping the country�s future. The period likewise witnessed an unprecedented surge of political imagination, a development which is particularly visible in Interregnum utopianism. More than ever before, utopianism orientates itself to a hopeful and expectant reality. It is no longer fictional or contemplative. Its ambitions and fulfilment are political; there is a drive towards active political participation. Utopianism reshapes its former boundaries and reinvents itself as reality utopianism. Considering this new reality-orientated identity, the utopias of the 1650s are especially useful in providing an insight into the political imagination of this period. This thesis studies three reality utopias of the 1650s: Winstanley�s The Law of Freedom, Harrington�s Oceana and Hobbes�s Leviathan. Each work represents a uniquely different utopian vision: Winstanley imagines an agrarian communism, Harrington revives classical republicanism, and Hobbes stresses absolute sovereignty. These three different utopian visions not only illustrate the range of the political imagination; they provide an opportunity to examine different ways to deal with the existing political and social concerns of the Interregnum and different perspectives for ideal solutions. Interregnum utopianism is shaped by the expectations and violence of the English Revolution and accordingly it is characterised by the heightened hopes and fears of its time. Despite substantial differences in the three utopias, the elemental hopes and fears expressed in these works remain similar. The hope for change and a better future is negotiated textually with a fear of anarchy and violence. In the end a compromise between opportunity and security has to be found. It is this compromise that shapes the face of Interregnum utopianism and reflects a major aspect of the post-revolutionary political imagination in England.

Este trabalho de pesquisa tem como objetivo evidenciar a relação \"inconsciente da psicanálise\" e \"inconsciente da ideologia\", a partir dos modos de produção do conhecimento de trabalhadores da área da saúde e dos modos de produção do conhecimento acerca de seus trabalhos. Durante este trabalho, considerando alguns impasses teóricos, conceituamos \"modernidade líquida\" e \"insegurança\" e, com esses conceitos, juntamente com os conceitos de \"religiosidade\" e de enfrentamento \"da morte na realidade\", traçamos contrapontos teóricos para a atualização do mal-estar na cultura moderna. Assim, de acordo com os pressupostos de Baumen (2008), da análise de discurso pêcheuxtiana e de sua interface com a psicanálise lacaniana, o foco deste trabalho é encontrar os ,,giros discursivos no mais de gozar\", lugares nos quais a dor encontra seu caminho nos registro do simbólico, isto é, o mais de gozar e a entrada ou permanência no simbólico é a saída para a dor e o sofrimento que o trabalho na área da saúde pode causar ao trabalhador que se considera impotente diante do usuário que requer atendimento e atenção. Para atingir o objetivo maior deste trabalho, propusemos a escansão de algumas destas construções em análises preliminares dos dados por meio de recortes e sequências discursivas na produção de um dos sujeitos, tentativa de construção teórica em análise do discurso, para a qual cada passo na direção de uma certeza implica em um retrocesso. Considerando o contraponto entre as formações discursivas privilegiadas por nós, a do discurso oficial dominante, e a outra, constituída por tentativas de resistência e/ou reiteração dos sujeitos, com relação a esse discurso, constatamos que o foco do discurso oficial dominante é um e o do trabalhador, ao tratar do serviço que presta na área da saúde, é outro. É nesse ponto que nos encontramos ao tentar aproximar as discrepâncias ou evidenciar as reproduções apesar delas aparecerem superficialmente como resistência ou como discurso da resistência ou ainda como marcas evidências de resistência. Os corpora são formados pelas diretrizes que orientam o trabalho em saúde, encontrados em manuais do Ministério da Saúde sobre as políticas de consolidação do Sistema Único de Saúde e nas leis e diretrizes da saúde pública, em particular a Lei 8080/90; e pela produção discursiva dos trabalhadores. A observação desses materiais favoreceu a análise das marcas linguísticas encontradas na entrevista, o que permitiu o recalque da subjetividade como trabalho da ideologia, desdobrando em outros sentidos singulares, na tentativa de homogeneizar o dizer. Com essa base teórica e metodológica, foi possível evidenciar o trabalho da ideologia no discurso dos sujeitos envolvidos com a ilusão de que o trabalho é uma redenção, um meio para acessar um benefício maior e para alcançar a felicidade e a realização. Em suma, mobilizamos os quatro discursos fundamentais na psicanálise, para apontar que, no discurso capitalista, a ausência da barra da impossibilidade discursiva pode colocar, entre outros objetos, a religião e a religiosidade como mercadorias acessíveis ao sujeito desejante e ao consumidor na modernidade. / This research aims at evidencing the relation \"unconsciousness of psychoanalysis\" and \"unconsciousness of ideology\", based on the production of knowledge of healthcare professionals and on the production of knowledge regarding their tasks. During this research, considering some theoretical deadlocks, we have conceptualized \"liquid modernity\" and \"insecurity\" and, having these concepts along with the concepts of \"religiousness\" and the treatment of \"death in reality\", we have drafted theoretical counterpoints to update uneasiness in modern culture. Therefore, according to the assumptions of Baumen (2008) regarding Pêcheux\"s discourse and its interface with the Lacanian psychoanalysis, the aim of this study is to find the ,,linguistic turns in the surplus-joiussance\", places where the pain finds its way in the registers of symbolic. In other words, the surplus-joiussance and the entry or permanence in the symbolic is the way out for all the pain and sorrow caused by daily healthcare tasks to the workers, who consider themselves powerless when dealing with users who need help and attention. In order to reach the major aim of this study, we have proposed the scansion of some of these constructions in preliminary data analysis through discourse sequences and cuttings in the production of one of the subjects, an attempt of theoretical construction in discourse analysis, where every step taken towards certainty implies some regression. Considering the counterpoint between the discourse formations privileged by us - one from dominant official discourse, and the other one built by attempts of resistance and/or reiteration of the subjects - regarding this discourse, we have verified that the focus of the dominant official discourse is different than the focus of the worker when dealing with healthcare service. That is where we find ourselves when trying to bring discrepancies together or to evidence reproductions in spite of the fact that they appear superficially as resistance or as discourse of resistance, or even as evidence marks of resistance. The corpora are composed of guidelines that regulate healthcare services - which can be found in manuals of the Ministry of Health regarding the consolidation policies of the Brazilian Unified Health System (SUS) and in public health laws and guidelines, particularly in the Law 8080/90 -, and of the discourse production of workers. The observation of these materials has stimulated the analysis of linguistic marks found in the interview. This has enabled the repression of subjectivity as a role of ideology, unfolding other singular senses, in an attempt to homogenize the speech. Considering this theoretical and methodological basis, it was possible to evidence the role of ideology in the discourse of subjects involved in the illusion that work is redemption, a way to access a greater benefit and to reach happiness and achievement. Finally, as a whole, we have mobilized the four fundamental discourses of psychoanalysis to indicate that in the capitalist discourse, the absence of the bar of discourse impossibility can classify religion and religiousness, among other objects, as accessible products to the willing subject and to the consumer in modern days.

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Les institutions de la République romaine (509-27 av. J. C.) prévoyaient théoriquement que les magistratures électives et annuelles ne devaient jamais être vacantes. Ce principe juridique fondamental avait pour conséquence une continuité dans la détention du pouvoir exécutif qui reposait sur le ius, les auspicia et l'imperium. Cependant, il arriva à maintes reprises que les magistratures supérieures - consulat, tribunat militaire à pouvoir consulaire - fussent suspendues en raison soit d'entrave à la tenue des comices électoraux soit de scrupules religieux entraînant l'expiation rituelle et la renouatio auspiciorum. La légitimité et la légalité de la solution à la vacance du pouvoir exécutif reposait alors sur les patres auctores, détenteurs de l'auspicia patrum. Le rite de l'interregnum, procédure juridique archaïque, était l'émanation la plus claire de cette auctoritas patrum, apanage exclusif des sénateurs patriciens. Les vénérables pères, descendants des plus illustres familles de Rome, étaient les seuls à même de remédier à la vacance des magistratures par ce rite qui remontait, d'après la tradition, à l'époque royale latino-sabine et renvoyait au mythe bien connu du démembrement et de l'apothéose de Romulus. Le partage du corps souverain constitue à ce titre un symbole fondamental pour la représentation de l'auctoritas patrum et de la magistrature républicaine dont il serait peut-être vain de rechercher l'historicité. L'objet de cette étude est donc d'analyser la fort ancienne institution de l'interregnum qui, comme bien d'autres, était caractérisée par un passage progressif du sacral au juridique. Le droit public prévoit dans tout système institutionnel des recours d'exception révélant la représentation psychologique du pouvoir souverain. Rome n'échappe pas à la règle voire même elle put, d'une certaine façon, l'inventer.

This thesis concerns the Strakonice league, an association of largely Catholic estates of 1449. It tries to conceive the topic in another way, than the older literature did, which did not pay attention to the Strakonice league not specially, but dealed with it mostly in the frame of the description of Bohemian political and military history. The thesis tries to bring new pieces of knowledge of the Strakonice league by means of analyse of correspondence of the lords of Rosenberg (Rožmberk) and of another sources. Concerning the course of the military and diplomatic struggle with the Poděbrady league itself, the emphasis is put on selected, less known aspects. The relation of the Strakonice league to the lands adjoining the Czech crown and to foreign countries, where the league was looking for allies, is elaborated separately. The last big section of the thesis concerns the league members. This section is based on collecting of data about individual persons or towns that entered the Strakonice league. There are studied their political career, motivation for their entrance into the league, possesion and their relations to each other. It all gives evidence about the rate of force and compactness of the league. The results of league's activity and the next assertion of the members in public life are...

<div> <div> <div> <p>This dissertation examines the preservation of the Church of England in Interregnum England. It incorporates a microhistorical analysis of parish life in four Puritanical counties located in East Anglia, namely Cambridgeshire, Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex. In the current historiography on the Church of England, scholars of religious history have traditionally associated both Puritan and sectarian activity with the political upheaval, religious reform, and the collapse of cultural norms that accompanied the English Interregnum. Absent from this scholarship, however, are the voices and actions of those devoted parishioners who refused to abandon their parish church after its disestablishment in 1649. These followers, henceforth called “Conformists,” both fostered and maintained a shared cultural system that stabilized their communal interaction in a period exemplified by politico-religious chaos. In a period characterized by bloody conflicts, their instruments were not swords, but sermons. Thus, this project reveals that the perseverance of Conformists amid the persecution of Cromwellian England was not arbitrary, but a disciplined reaction in which spiritual guidance was actively sought and developed. Central to this response were the actions of sequestered Conformist ministers who guided their displaced congregations by administering forbidden sacraments and emboldening communal engagement. </p> </div> </div> </div>

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In my thesis I deal with Aleš Holický, a significant representative of the Šternberk clan, in the post Lipany period. On the basis of sources, I am trying to chart especially his political programme, its creation and the fulfilment of the goal he was pursuing. I follow up his political orientation after the conversion to the chalice in the beginning of 1430s and try to describe the basis of his rise including the influence of the political groups which he was a member of. In this context, I explain Aleš's role in Ptáček's and Poděbrad's party and his interest in formulation and enforcement of their demands. On the basis of the evidence collected, Aleš's contribution not just to Czech utraquism, Ptáček's party, Poděbrad's party (later Poděbrad's league), in which he acted, as well as for the whole country is evaluated at the end. Thus, I am trying to revise some conclusions of older historiography in which Aleš's influence in the parties he belonged to as well as his independent negotiations have been underestimated. In Aleš's persistent, purposeful activity and merits I can see the substantiation of his inclusion among the significant personalities of Czech history and politics of the 1430s - 1450s. In my thesis, I am following up both Aleš's political programme and his relations to his allies and...

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