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In the current fight against Islamic extremism, the United States is challenged in its ability to isolate and target specific individuals and groups in select regional environments - efforts that are arguably symptomatic of broader shortfalls in US global influence and strategic reach. These particularly troublesome environments are characterized by a lack of State control and are populated with fiercely independent, largely Muslim, and decidedly anti-western communities. Unable to consistently penetrate and influence these "ungoverned" regions, operational intelligence remains sporadic and opportunities limited. No broader, structural change has yet been made that would weaken or sever the links among Islamic extremists and their regional hosts over a sustained period or enable greater cooperation between the US or its allies with indigenous tribal populations. Accordingly, these regions continue to provide ideal locations for terrorist sanctuary, bases of support and operation, and freedom of movement. A supplemental US policy option is required. The challenge thus becomes one of how to create more effective opportunities to gain influence and control over these select tribal regions while countering the influence of competitors over a sustained period. A policy of manipulating tribal fractures and rivalries in order to induce or heighten internal conflict could provide these opportunities.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:28:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bernardo Pereira de Lucena Rodrigues Guerra.pdf: 2065772 bytes, checksum: 8dc59fbda1134a24046d591f9f13a756 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-10 / The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of the battle against Terrorism and Terror on the Human Rights International Law. From the constitution of a mentality arisen post-Second World War, with its fundamental characteristics, and the most relevant Human Rights international instruments, it is asserted that Terrorism and the battle against Terror have represented an enormous challenge not the say the biggest one to Human Rights International Law. On the twenty-first century, humanity has witnessed the rebirth of an ancient phenomenon, re-dimensioned on its characteristics and proportions: the globalized and trans-national Terrorism. There are basically two actors directly related to contemporary Terrorism: the Islamic fundamentalism and the United States from George W. Bush doctrine. Although there are many international conventions about Terrorism, its provisions are not sufficient to combat the phenomenon, mainly due to the absence of an accurate and clear definition of Terrorism. The risks of a unilateral anti-Terrorism politics are extremely oppressive for humanity, as they are based on Human Rights violations, torture, and arbitrary detention of individuals for indefinite time, vilification on the innocence presumption, on the adversary system and on full defense. Not to mention the use of lies and the figure of the objective enemy as domination means. Considering this scenario, it is indispensible that the fight against Terrorism operates accordingly to Human Rights International Law, with full respect to Human Rights fundamental core and to the nondiscrimination principle, through the adoption of a global strategy against Terrorism, based on five principles. Humanity truly and deeply needs to experience the freedom from want, the freedom from fear and the freedom to live in dignity / O presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar a forma pela qual o combate ao Terrorismo e ao Terror tem impactado o Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos. Partindo da configuração da mentalidade emergente pós- Segunda Guerra mundial, com suas características fundamentais, e dos principais instrumentos internacionais de proteção dos Direitos Humanos, verifica-se que o Terrorismo e a luta contra o Terror têm representado um grande desafio - senão o maior deles ao Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos. Acontece que, em pleno século XXI, a humanidade tem testemunhado o ressurgir de um fenômeno antigo, redimensionado em suas características e proporções: o Terrorismo globalizado e transnacional. São basicamente dois atores diretamente relacionados ao Terrorismo contemporâneo: o fundamentalismo islâmico e os Estados Unidos da doutrina George W. Bush. Não obstante haja uma série de convenções internacionais que disciplinem o Terrorismo, suas disposições não se afiguram como sendo suficientes para combatê-lo, principalmente pela ausência de uma definição clara e precisa de atos terroristas. São assaz gravosos para a humanidade os riscos de uma política unilateral de combate ao Terrorismo, baseada na violação de Direitos Humanos, na prática da tortura, na detenção arbitrária de pessoas por tempo indeterminado, no vilipêndio à presunção de inocência, aos princípios do contraditório e da ampla defesa. Ainda mais utilizando- se do uso da mentira e da figura do inimigo objetivo como forma de dominação. Para tanto, indispensável que o combate ao Terrorismo se opere sob a égide do Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos, no mais amplo respeito do núcleo inderrogável dos Direitos Humanos e do princípio da não discriminação, por meio da adoção de uma estratégia global de combate a esse fenômeno. Afinal de contas, a humanidade precisa, verdadeiramente, experienciar a liberdade livre de necessidades, a liberdade livre do medo e a liberdade de viver na mais plena dignidade

Thesis advisor: Steven Ungar. Includes bibliographic references (p. 204-209).

This thesis is an internal organisational history of the Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt between 1973 and 2013. Based on memoires of Brotherhood leaders, as well as oral history interviews conducted in 2012 and 2013 with different rank-and-file members and dissidents, the thesis situates the life trajectories and personal experiences of these individuals within a larger national and international context. The purpose is to provide a historical account that is able to explain the reasons for the Brotherhood's cataclysmic failure of the summer of 2013. In accounting for the fall, my key argument centres on the internal rivalry between two political factions representing different "schools of thought", or visions, about the kind of organisation the Brotherhood was supposed to be. Representatives of the respective coalitions competed against each other over hegemony and organisational resources, basing their claims on contrasting intellectual traditions, political cultures and organisational values that had co-existed, sometimes uncomfortably, within the ranks of the Society since the times of Hasan al-Banna. The adherents of the "Qutbist" school of thought put forward the idea of a closed, pyramid-shaped and exclusive organisation, while those closer to 'Omar al-Tilmisani's model aspired to a reformed Society that was open to outsiders, and where internal progression was based on meritocracy, transparency and some form of democracy. I argue that it is through the holistic analysis of the complex dynamics between internal organisational politics, the use of ideology, and the personal experiences of key organisational members, that we are best able to grasp the Brotherhood's failed experience in governance in 2013.

Lack of women rights in the international society is something that UN and other international human organizations are striving against. Women oppression is common in many countries, but is often connected with the Muslim countries. Women oppression is something that is against UN: s definition of human rights. The international society has therefore tried to protect the women, and has formed resolutions, conventions and so on, for their security. According to the Iraqi regime, human rights are an important question. The country has therefore signed the UN: s convention about women rights. Since the year of 1992, when the Kurdish area of Iraq became self- governed, Kurdistan has started programs that favour women rights. Organizations and institutions have for example been established, that are struggling for the women in the society. The ruling government has also instituted some laws that favour women rights. Islamic fundamentalism and Muslim feminism are two theories that today have supporters in the international society. Both of those theories and their supporters believes in the Quran and use it to justify their own actions, but in different ways. The fundamentalists emphasize the differences that, by the nature, exist between the sexes. According to the fundamentalists, women and men have different responsibilities in the society. The feminists on the other hand believe in equality between the sexes and mean that women oppression has its origin in an erroneous interpretation of the Quran. Different kinds of crimes against women rights issues are today common in Kurdistan. Many of those crimes don’t have any support in neither UN, nor the Quran. Muslim feminists, the department for human rights and the women organizations all has agreed about the meaning of women rights. They believe in UN: s definition of women rights and they all use the Quran to justify women right issues. Islamic fundamentalists on the other hand also use the Quran for justifying their actions, but they don’t believe in UN: s definition of women rights. So both Muslim feminists and Islamic fundamentalists exist today in Kurdistan, and their engagement in women issues is therefore affecting the work of the organizations and the department.

Islamic fundamentalism is a hotly debated and contested issue in the global arena and is often depicted as having replaced communism as the predominant threat to the West in the post-Cold War world. This study analyses the ideologies espoused by Islamic fundamentalist groups in Algeria, Sudan and South Africa by means of the dialogic model of interpretation in order to arri ve at a more thorough, less judgment al understanding thereof. The study begins with an in -depth analysis of various definitions of the concept Islamic fundamentalism. This is followed by a critical discussion of rationalist approaches to Islamic fundamentalism as well as reference to the ir shortcomings in order to justify the use of the dialogic model of interpretation. This model aims to critically evaluate Islamic fundamentalist ideas through interaction with the irrespective originators, thereby questioning the validity of a s ingle Western rationalist- inspired version of the truth. Structural factors, the political, cultural and soc io-economic conditions in Algeria, Sudan and South Africa, are also accommodated by the model. Consequently, the rise of Islamic revivalism is discussed within the historical context of the increasing influence of the West in the world of Islam and the introduction (and eventual failure) of secularist ideologies in the post-independence era. The focus is on different strands of Islamic political thought, Islamic fundamentalists, Islamic traditionalists, Islamic modernists and Islamic pragmatists. The country case studies, Algeria, Sudan and South Africa are then approached by means of an indepth analysis of the ideologies of prominent Islamic fundamentalist groups, as well as a consideration of structural (political, economic and social) factors. [n the case of Algeria, a detailed discuss ion of the ideology of the Front Islamique du Salut (F1S - Islamic Salvation Front) is placed in the context of the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and the dynamics of the current civil war. When it comes to Sudan, the ideology of the ruling National Islamic Front (NIF) is discussed, and is also placed in the context of the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in that country, as well as a discussion of government policies since 1989, with specific reference to the Sudanese civ il war and the current crisis in the Darfur region. In terms of South Africa, the focus is on the ideology of People against Gangsterism and Drugs (PAGAD), which is placed in the context of the urban terrorist attacks that characterised the Western Cape a few years ago. The final chapter looks at what has been learned from using the dialogic model of interpretation (with an additional evaluation of structural factors) as a theoretical approach. Recommendations are made with regard to each of the respective case studies which may be potentially useful for a future resolution of the conflicts in Algeria and Sudan, and, in the case of South Africa, may help ensure continuing stability as far as Islamic fundamentalism is concerned. Copyright / Dissertation (MA (Political Science))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis compares the Western response to two radical challenges in eras considerably removed in time: the 1900-1901 Boxer rebellion in China and today's Islamic terror. It brings a much-needed historical perspective to bear in assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the contemporary Western conceptualization of the al-Qaeda and Taliban threat as a "clash of civilizations." It demonstrates that the current struggle against Islamic fundamentalism is not an altogether new challenge to Western interest and values. Al-Qaeda and the Taliban are in the end an expression of the same forces of resistance that also led to the origination of the Boxers in 19th century China. The cultural pressure that the West unavoidably developed by its imperialistic policy in the 19th and early 20th centuries was replaced by the penetration of the world with values, standards and symbols of the Western way of life and civilization in the course of globalization. The West ought to understand that the current terrorist threat is not "the next stage of history," as some scholars erroneously puts it, but a known historical phenomenon in a new form, for which neither the West nor other cultures bear the blame. / Major (GS), German Army

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-02-16T19:31:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Flávia Souza Aguiar.pdf: 3073503 bytes, checksum: 6846ee949c24ff4a8993950766dfb8e5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-16T19:31:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Flávia Souza Aguiar.pdf: 3073503 bytes, checksum: 6846ee949c24ff4a8993950766dfb8e5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Fundação São Paulo - FUNDASP / This dissertation seeks to analyse and contextualize Mahmoud Muhammad Taha’s book The Second Message of Islam, published in Sudan, in 1967. In 1985, Taha was found guilty on apostasy charges and sentenced to death. The present work goes over how Taha’s interpretation differs from the Qur’an’s traditional reading whilst also discussing its insertion on the concept of liberal Islam and its impact. This work seeks to contribute with the body of researches related to liberal Islam in Brazil / Essa dissertação tem como objetivo analisar e contextualizar a obra A Segunda Mensagem do Islã de Mahmoud Muhammad Taha, publicada em 1967, no Sudão. Em 1985, Taha foi considerado culpado de apostasia, por suas ideias, e foi condenado a pena de morte. Analisaremos como sua interpretação do Corão discorda da leitura tradicional do Corão e também verificaremos sua inserção no conceito de Islã liberal e seu impacto. Pretendemos com esse trabalho contribuir com as pesquisas relativas ao Islã liberal no Brasil

The thesis "Attempt at Democratic Transition in Iran 1997-2000" analyzes the developement of restricted liberalization and democratization, which was started in Iran in Spring 1997 by election of reformist presidential candidate Muhammad Khatami into office. The essay looks on theese events as a result of the longer cultural change which occured in Iran since the 1979 Islamic Revolution and as a consequence of the cleavages which split the Iranian political space into several different streams. The thesis uses a theoretical perspective based on the idea that Iran, in the course of 20th century, constantly evolved in the form of modern national state for which the Islamic revolution was but a regime change, which replaced one authoritarianism for another with a different ideology. Based on this perspective the events after the Khatami election are analyzed in terms of the transitologic theory through which the essay examines the specific dynamcis of political contest between the softliners who push for a democratization of the regime and the hardliners who take pains to preserve the authoritarian practice based on the theory of "The Rule of the Jurisconsult" articulated first by the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ruhollah Khomeini.