Violent islamistic extremism has together with violent right-wing extremism been marked as the highest probable threat for potential terrorist attacks in Sweden. Research within violent extremism has shown a certain level of consensus around what factors drive radicalization. A consensus about theories or models that most adeptly explain its causation is however not prevalent within the academic community. This paper presents a model based on conclusions drawn from the Social Identity Theory (SIT) and will test this model's relevance by analyzing empirical data from interviews made with five practicing Muslims. The interviewees' attempts to explain factors of radicalization have been analyzed by being compartmentalized into an ideological- or identity-based continuum. Factors of radicalization able to be explained by the SIT-model have been categorized as identity-based explanations, whereas factors depending on knowledge, ideology, or religion have been categorized as ideology-based explanations. Most of the experienced factors could be explained by the SIT-model, while only some of two interviewees` experiences could be categorized as ideology-based. The significance of the empirical data from this research and its implications will be presented in the chapter of discussion along with previous research and its theoretical framework; recommendations for de-radicalization and continued research will be given at the end.

Islamic terrorism has become a global problem which has resulted in human, social, political, and economic costs. Many Islamic terrorist organizations have focused their attacks on the West and its interests. They justify these acts by making reference to policies of the West, which they believe are inimical to Islam. France, a Western country, recently introduced a law which bans the Islamic face veil (the burqa) in public places in the country. This study examined the implications of this law. The research question focused on the perceived relationship between this law and increased acts of Islamic terrorism. The theoretical construct of this study was based off Huntington's clash of civilizations theory. Data were collected through in-depth, open ended interviews with 23 Muslim participants who were identified through a snowball sampling technique. These participants represented a variety of nations, including France. Data were inductively coded and then organized around key themes and ideas. Findings indicate that participants did not perceive a relationship between increased acts of Islamic terrorism and the burqa ban specifically, but they did feel the burqa ban undermines Islam. These findings were consistent with the study's theoretical construct as they revealed an underlying conflict between some Western countries and Islam. These findings contribute to positive social change as they highlight areas where policy makers have opportunities to build more culturally sensitive relations between the West and Islam, perhaps eventually serving to reduce future radicalization and religious extremism.

The Swedish Police Authority currently categorise 61 urban areas in Sweden as vulnerable areas, where there is an increased risk of becoming a victim of crime or violence to both females and males living in those areas. In these places the feeling of insecurity and the lack of trust and confidence in the judiciary system is more common than in other urban parts of Sweden. Due to this negative trend and development local power factors have evolved, and the risk of parallel social structures enforced by criminal activity and violent extremism is higher than in other places in Sweden. This thesis investigates the connection between Swedish criminal networks and violent Islamic extremism to create a better understand of why individuals from the vulnerable areas in Sweden join criminal networks and, or violent Islamic extremist groups

This study addresses the research gap concerning why some Muslims in Europe reject extremist Islam and do not radicalize, despite the growing prevalence and concern of radicalization within European societies. Through semi-structured interviews with Muslims living in Europe, this research explores their attitudes towards extremist Islam and the factors influencing their rejection of such ideologies. The findings highlight the critical role of religious education, personal reflection, and supportive social surroundings. Respondents emphasized understanding Islam as a peaceful religion, advocating for personal freedom, tolerance, and intercultural dialogue. The study also notes the protective influence of family guidance and the absence of close contact with extremists. These insights align with existing models differentiating moderate and extremist Islam and suggest that fostering religious literacy and critical thinking can be effective in countering radicalization. The study's limitations, including its sample composition and potential interviewer effects, suggest the need for further research across diverse demographic groups to fully understand the mechanisms behind non-radicalization.

This research paper aims to examine how local boroughs in the South suburbs of Stockholm work with matters relating to radicalism and violent extremism with roots in white power environments and Islam. The paper will look at the different challenges faced by the local Boroughs in tackling the problems in the future. The empirical material that forms the basis of this paper have been collected through semi structured interviews with local coordinators employed by three different boroughs within the South suburbs of Stockholm. The theoretical framework of the study is formed by a typological model that comprises different kinds of crime prevention exercises with backgrounds in superordinate values. The empirical material has been analyzed in relation to crime prevention as a societal phenomenon depending on what preventive method has been given the timely aspect related to primary, secondary or tertiary prevention. Results show that radicalism and violent extremism are phenomenon with substantial complexity, according to all participating coordinators, white power environments tend to be significantly more violent in their behaviour and serves as the primary local threat whereas activities relating to radical Islam is more limited. The coordinators speak about the necessity to work for an inclusive society rather than controlling which risks stigmatizing the individuals who could be considered in an already weak and resource scarce situations. The study show that the boroughs dominant prevention mechanisms are formed of structural and socialization prevention methods rather than effective reduction and/or controlling prevention. / Denna studie syftar till att undersöka hur kommuner i Stockholm söderort arbetar med frågor som rör sig kring radikalisering och våldsbejakande extremism rörande vit makt-miljöer och islamistisk extremism samt vilka utmaningar som deltagande kommuner uppger föreligga i framtiden. Det empiriska underlag som studien innefattas av är inhämtat genom semi-strukturella intervjuer med samordnare inom tre olika kommuner i Stockholm söderort.   Studiens teoretiska ramverk utgörs delvis av olika typer av en typologisk modell som innefattar olika typer av brottspreventiva åtgärder och hur dessa typer utgörs med bakgrund av olika överordnade värden. Studiens empiriska material är analyserat i anknytning till brottsprevention som samhällsfenomen i sig samt vilket avseende som preventiva åtgärder utgör i relation till insatsens tidsaspekt-primär/sekundär/tertiär prevention.   Studiens resultat redogör att radikalisering och våldsbejakande extremism är ett komplext fenomen. Samtliga samordnare som deltagit i studien poängterar för vit makt-miljöer som den våldsbejakande miljö som utgör det primära hotet i kommunerna samt att vetskapen gällande aktiviteter av islamistiska extremist-miljöer är mer begränsad. Samordnarna belyser nödvändigheten att arbeta för ett inkluderande samhälle som ska förebygga utanförskap snarare än kontrollutövande insatser som riskerar att stigmatisera individer som redan är i en resurssvag position.   Studien visar på att kommuners dominerande preventionsåtgärder utgörs av struktur och- socialisationsåtgärder snarare än effektiviseringsåtgärder och/eller kontrollåtgärder.

Islamic fundamentalism is a hotly debated and contested issue in the global arena and is often depicted as having replaced communism as the predominant threat to the West in the post-Cold War world. This study analyses the ideologies espoused by Islamic fundamentalist groups in Algeria, Sudan and South Africa by means of the dialogic model of interpretation in order to arri ve at a more thorough, less judgment al understanding thereof. The study begins with an in -depth analysis of various definitions of the concept Islamic fundamentalism. This is followed by a critical discussion of rationalist approaches to Islamic fundamentalism as well as reference to the ir shortcomings in order to justify the use of the dialogic model of interpretation. This model aims to critically evaluate Islamic fundamentalist ideas through interaction with the irrespective originators, thereby questioning the validity of a s ingle Western rationalist- inspired version of the truth. Structural factors, the political, cultural and soc io-economic conditions in Algeria, Sudan and South Africa, are also accommodated by the model. Consequently, the rise of Islamic revivalism is discussed within the historical context of the increasing influence of the West in the world of Islam and the introduction (and eventual failure) of secularist ideologies in the post-independence era. The focus is on different strands of Islamic political thought, Islamic fundamentalists, Islamic traditionalists, Islamic modernists and Islamic pragmatists. The country case studies, Algeria, Sudan and South Africa are then approached by means of an indepth analysis of the ideologies of prominent Islamic fundamentalist groups, as well as a consideration of structural (political, economic and social) factors. [n the case of Algeria, a detailed discuss ion of the ideology of the Front Islamique du Salut (F1S - Islamic Salvation Front) is placed in the context of the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and the dynamics of the current civil war. When it comes to Sudan, the ideology of the ruling National Islamic Front (NIF) is discussed, and is also placed in the context of the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in that country, as well as a discussion of government policies since 1989, with specific reference to the Sudanese civ il war and the current crisis in the Darfur region. In terms of South Africa, the focus is on the ideology of People against Gangsterism and Drugs (PAGAD), which is placed in the context of the urban terrorist attacks that characterised the Western Cape a few years ago. The final chapter looks at what has been learned from using the dialogic model of interpretation (with an additional evaluation of structural factors) as a theoretical approach. Recommendations are made with regard to each of the respective case studies which may be potentially useful for a future resolution of the conflicts in Algeria and Sudan, and, in the case of South Africa, may help ensure continuing stability as far as Islamic fundamentalism is concerned. Copyright / Dissertation (MA (Political Science))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The rise of the 21st Century Islamic extremist movement, which was mobilised by the al-Qaeda attacks of and responses to September 11, 2001, heralds a new period in the history of terrorism. The increased frequency and intensity of this type of terrorism affects every nation in the world, not least Australia. Rising to meet the challenges posed by terrorism is the field of terrorism studies, the field which aims at understanding, explaining, and countering terrorism. Despite the importance of the field, it has been beleaguered with criticisms since its inception as a response to the rise of international terrorism. These criticisms specifically aim at the field's lack of objectivity, abstraction, levels of research, and levels of analysis. These criticisms were the impetus behind the adoption of the methodology of this thesis, which offers the distinct ability to understand, explain, and forecast the way in which terrorists interact within covert cells. Through social network analysis, this thesis examines four terrorist cells that have operated in or against Australia. These cells are from the groups Hrvatsko Revolucionarno Bratstvo (Croatian Revolutionary Brotherhood), Aum Shinrikyo (Supreme Truth), Lashkar-e-Taiba (Army of the Pure), and Jemaah Islamiyah (Islamic Community) and operated between 1963 and 2003. Essentially, this methodology attempts to discover, map, and analyse the interaction within the cells during the covert stage of their respective operations. Following this, the results are analysed through the traditional social network analysis frameworks to discover the internal dynamics of the cell and identify the critical nodes (leaders) within the cells. Destabilisation techniques are subsequently employed, targeting these critical nodes to establish the most effective disruption techniques from a counter-terrorism point of view. The major findings of this thesis are: (1) that cells with a focus on efficiency rather than covertness were more successful in completing their objectives (contrary to popular belief); and (2) betweenness centrality (control over the flow of communication) is a critical factor in identifying leaders within terrorist cells. The analysis also offered significant insight into how a Jemaah Islamiyah cell might operate effectively in Australia, as well as the importance of local contacts to terrorist operations and the significance of international counter-terrorism cooperation and coordination.