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The thesis examines two of the arguably most contentious strands within contemporary Islam – Salafism and Islamism – in the British context from 1965 to the contemporary period. Its central argument is that by using their (multi-directional) connections, modern Muslim sects in Britain fashioned a distinct ‘Western Muslim’ consciousness, which has gradually altered their relationship with the ‘Muslim world’ at large. Rather than generating remittances to send ‘back home’, to Muslim-majority countries – Britain, and the West more broadly, came to be seen as another important Muslim space in need of resources, institutions, and unique paradigms for understanding and practicing Islam. Put differently, scholars, activists and intellectuals began carving out a self-conscious Western form of Islam, and in this process have begun to subvert their peripheral status vis-à-vis the heartlands of the Muslim world. The thesis charts the emergence of this ‘Western Muslim’ consciousness beginning from the late 1960s to the present. It demonstrates that this was neither a linear process of severing ties with Muslim-majority countries, nor one of wholly adopting Western cultural codes or modes of faith. Rather Salafis and Islamists rooted Islam in Britain, but on their own terms. It opens with a re-examination of the religious lives of the first generation pioneer migrants that arrived in the post-War period from South Asia, who were involved with either the Ahl-e-Hadith or the Jamaat-e-Islami. It examines how each faction established their mosques and organisations in the British context, making complex and sophisticated adaptions in their thoughts and practice while negotiating their changed setting. It suggests that the sharp generational divide – where the first were primarily seen in ethnic terms and the second adopted a global religious identity – has hitherto dominated accounts of Muslims in Britain, and needs to be critiqued and revised. From their inception, the struggle to recreate an ‘authentic’ Islam was pivotal in both movements. Purging Islam from adulterations and perceiving themselves as part of the global ummah were sentiments that were present, to a certain degree, in the first-generation. This is not to say that there were no generational differences, but that these differences were more fluid than has been suggested. The thesis also explores the reasons underpinning the resurgence of ‘traditional’ religious figures at the expense of ‘intellectuals’. However, in the context of individualisation, new media and the democratisation of religion, this raises important questions as to how ‘traditional’ religious authority is being transformed and adapted. It analyses the seemingly contradictory elements of the desire to wholeheartedly follow ‘authentic’ religious figures on the one hand, and still actively rationalise and determine which interpretation of Islam they ultimately follow on the other. With the advent of cyberspace, it also examines the changing contours of the ‘community’ and the relationship between offline and online networks. It argues that the internet has accelerated the development of like-minded or ideological transnational networks that span online and offline spaces. These networks increasingly take precedence over geographically close ‘communities’ decentralising, but not devaluing, the masjid.

Since 9/11 terrorism has been much discussed both in international media and in an academic context. Countries like China have launched their own”war on terror”. The purpose of this essay will be to research how a nation like China can use terrorism and religion to motivate the marginalization of oppositional religious minorities. This will be done through a discourse analysis of YouTube videos produced in cooperation with the Chinese state that focuses on the East Turkestan Islamic Movement. The focus of the analysis will be on the discourses used by the Chinese state to define the East Turkestan Islamic Movement, religion and terrorism and how these discourses relate to William Cavanaugh´s theory of the myth of religious violence which states that a nation can use an envisaged link between religion and violence to legitimate its own existence, motivate its own use of violence and marginalize religious groups. The analysis show that the Chinese state marginalize the East Turkestan Islamic Movement and the conflict in Xinjiang by focusing on terrorism and religious violence as the main cause to the conflict in Xinjiang.

This study examines the rise of al-Adl wal-Ihsan in the early 1980s, its development, its attitude towards a number of Islamic and contemporary issues, and its strategy to take root in society and press for social and political reform in Morocco. The aim is to provide an account that reflects as far as possible what is perceived to be the true nature of al-Adl wal-Ihsan and, more importantly, to identify the factors behind its rapid growth and its ability to become the largest organized Islamic force in the country despite operating under an authoritarian regime and in an environment already populated by several Islamic groups. Drawing on the dialogic model of interpretation which entails, among things, presenting the Islamists’ ideas, experiences and arguments using their own terms and categories, this study has used a wide range of primary and secondary sources and benefited from interviews with a variety of people, including the movement’s founding leader, Sheikh Yassine, before he passed away on 13th December 2012, in order to achieve a better understanding of al-Adl wal-Ihsan. The major findings that come from this research demonstrate that al-Adl wal-Ihsan is a mere response, among others, based on Islamic sources and ijtihad, to legitimate demands of social, political and moral order. Hence, to exclude the moral and spiritual dimension from the analysis would not help to generate plausible explanations of the rise and nature of al-Adl wal-Ihsan or any other Islamic group for that matter. As for al-Adl’s rapid expansion, it has been found to be closely related to five basic factors: a charismatic leadership, an adequate organizational structure, a coherent theoretical framework, an appealing reform strategy and special emphasis on tarbiya [education]. Thus what becomes of al-Adl wal-Ihsan in the future seems to depend on its ability to maintain, if not to improve on what is deemed to be the source of its strength, which is a big challenge.

Cette étude aborde l’un des plus importants enjeux auxquels font face les mouvements islamiques, entre autres, l’engagement et la participation politique. Elle enquête sur la nature et les références de ses mouvements, en particulier le Mouvement de l’Unicité et de la Réforme (MUR) et aussi analyse, en adoptant une approche neutre et objective, combinant le cadre théorique avec celui de la pratique, leurs résultats en tant que mouvements sociopolitiques dans des communautés musulmanes, visant à apporter un changement social et politique. L’expérience de la participation politique des islamistes marocains à travers le Mouvement de l’Unicité et de la Réforme (actif politiquement, sous la couverture du Parti de la Justice et du Développement PJD) représente un modèle typique qui mérite toute attention de recherche et d’étude. En effet, le Maroc est parmi les premiers pays à autoriser aux mouvements islamiques modérés d’entrer officiellement dans le champ politique, et de s’y activer légalement. Aussi, ces derniers ont su se démarquer dans la scène politique et dépasser les thèses de coupures fondées sur une opposition radicale aux régimes gouvernants. Compte tenu de l’importance de la présence et du poids dont jouissent actuellement les mouvements islamiques, il est maintenant évident pour un grand nombre d’observateurs spécialistes que l’on ne peut plus parler de l’avenir politique et social dans les pays du monde islamique sans parler ou prendre en compte le rôle considérable de ces mouvements dans le tissu social du monde musulman. La plupart des études entreprises dans le domaine se préoccupaient du côté fondamental et théorique des mouvements islamiques, cependant cette présente étude s’émerge du lot par sa focalisation sur les organisations islamiques et leurs participations politiques en prenant le MUR comme cas d'étude. Elle aborde le problème définitionnel et cognitif lié à la notion des mouvements islamiques, puis explique la propagation rapide de ces mouvements dans le monde islamique, et identifie les idéologies motrices de leur action pour comprendre leurs concepts et leurs comportements envers l’autorité et la société. / This study addresses one of the most important issues facing Islamic movements, among others, engagement and political participation. It investigates the nature and references of these movements, particularly the Movement of Unification and Reform (MUR) and also analysis, adopting a neutral and objective approach, combining the theoretical framework with that of practice, their results as socio-political movements aiming to provide social and political change in Muslim communities. The experience of political participation of Moroccan Islamists across the Movement of Unification and Reform (active politically under the cover of the Justice and Development Party [PJD]) represents a typical model that deserves careful research and study. Indeed, Morocco is among the first countries to allow moderate Islamist movement, to officialy enter the political field and to activate in legally. Also, Islamists in Morocco have stood out in the political scene and overcame cuts theses based on a radical opposition to the governing regimes. Given the importance of the presence and weight currently enjoyed by Islamic movements, it is now clear to many observers and experts that we cannot talk about the political and social future in the countries of the Islamic world without mentioning or taking into account the important role of these movements. Most studies undertaken in the area were concerned with fundamental and theoretical aspects of Islamic movements; however, this study emerges from the batch by its focus on Islamic organizations and their political participation by taking MUR as a case study. It addresses the definitional and cognitive problem related to the notion of Islamic movements. Then explains the rapid spread of these movements in the Islamic world, and identifies the driving ideologies of their action to understand their concepts and attitudes toward authority and society.

This study investigates Hizb'allah's successful but competing dual development as an extra-institutional Shi'a social movement and an institutional political party. Hizb'allah has traditionally been studied from the perspective of one of its many natures, such as a social movement, Islamic movement, resistance, or political party, each perspective bringing with it limitations and differing interpretations of its identity, motivations, and success. The motivation behind this research was to seek an interpretation of the movement's development and success that would encompass these multiple natures. Through an interpretation of social movement ‘life-cycles', a social movement ‘development model' is proposed that accounts for contradicting theories on the ‘success' of social movements, interpreting success instead as an ability to exhibit simultaneous institutional and extra-institutional natures. The hypothesis provided in this work is that it is an ability to simultaneously exhibit institutional and extra-institutional natures that can be a source of strength and success for a movement, drawing capital from both while avoiding accountability that typically accompanies institutional politics. This challenges traditional theoretical approaches in terms of linear life-cycles with few paths for the social movement to choose from. In turn, questions arise regarding notions of social movement life-cycles being uni-directional, continuously progressing towards ‘institutionalization' or demise. Ideas of an ‘end-date' or ‘inevitable outcome' of social movements are also confronted. This interdisciplinary study is conducted by means of media, archival, and empirical research (participant observation, interviews, and surveys), focusing on changing constituent perceptions of the movement between 1985 and 2013. It is also argued that Hizb'allah's strength is its ability to draw from both extra-institutional and institutional resources while simultaneously avoiding accountability. However, it was also found that, by forming the 2011 governing coalition, the movement upset this balance by subjecting itself to accountability inherent in governance, in turn leading to ‘schizophrenic behaviour' as Hizb'allah sought to serve conflicting constituent and state interests. The significance of this research is that it not only provides an explanation for Hizb'allah's success, but also provides an interpretation of social movement development that accounts for multi-natured movements.