In this thesis I have done a discourse analysis of the documentary movie A Jihad for Love. A Jihad for Love came out 2007 and is directed by Parvez Sharma. The documentary movie is about homosexual Muslims and their jihad, struggle, for love and to be accepted in a world where they are barely recognized as a group. My aim of the thesis was to see how the movie portrays the persons who are in the film and their relationship to Islam and who gets access to the religion. I have also analyzed if Islam can be used to strengthen the sexual identity or if it works in the opposite way. I have used the theoretical instrument of intersectionality and religious proximity with a gender perspective with focus on sexuality and religion to analyze my material. My conclusions of the thesis are that the men in the movie are often more portrayed as active subjects that can use the religion as a tool to strengthen the sexuality. The women are more portrayed as inactive objects that cannot use the religion to strengthen their sexual identity because of different power axes, like gender and sexuality, which collide and with each other. Another conclusion is that men have a higher grade of religious proximity which makes them closer to God, whereas the women traditionally don’t have the same closeness to God and cannot therefore have the same power in the religious hierarchy.

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This dissertation uses the experiences of Arab Islamist fighters in the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) to rethink prevailing notions of world order. These actors are frequently glossed as “foreign fighters”: rootless, unaccountable extremists attempting to impose rigid forms of Islam on local “moderate” Muslim populations, be it in BiH, Afghanistan, Chechnya, or other sites of conflict with non-Muslim powers. By illuminating some of the many diasporic and imperial circuits linking BiH with other parts of the world, this dissertation provides a richer historical and sociological context in which transnational activist movements no longer seem so aberrational. This study argues that the mobilization to join the “jihad” alongside Bosnian Muslims can be usefully understood as a universalist project: an attempt to incarnate a worldwide Muslim community (umma) theoretically open to all of humanity, in which activists struggle through the experience of racial, cultural, and doctrinal difference vis-à-vis Bosnian and other Muslims. This approach opens up two broad avenues of inquiry. First, it allows an analysis of how Muslims of different backgrounds interacted in contexts of fighting, intermarriage, and doctrinal disputation. Second, it helps analytically situate the jihad in relation to other forms of armed intervention also acting in the name of humanity, most importantly UN peacekeeping and the U.S.-led “Global War on Terror.” This study is based on approximately 12 months of fieldwork in BiH between 2006 and 2012, mostly in Sarajevo, Zenica, Tuzla, and Bugojno. Open-ended life-history interviews were conducted in Arabic and English with Arab residents of BiH and their Bosnian comrades, kin, and critics. Additional interviews took place in Yemen, France, and Egypt. The study also draws extensively on archival materials culled from various sources, including Bosnian army and intelligence documents gathered by the UN war crimes tribunal, U.S. State Department cables disclosed by Wikileaks, and extensive printed and online materials by participants in and supporters of the jihad written in Arabic, the language formerly known as Serbo-Croatian, and Urdu.

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This study presents a comparative analysis of the interpretative approaches and the religious Weltanschauungs of two Islamic revivalists of Pakistan, especially in relation to jihad and the establishment of Islamic global order. Abu al-A'la Mawdudi (1903-1979) argues that the correct understanding of certain key Qur'anic terms makes it incumbent upon every Muslim to strive for the achievement of the basic objective of Islam, which is to establish an Islamic global order ( izhar-i din) to implement the Divine laws ( iqamat-i din) so that all un-Islamic (and, therefore, oppressive) "systems" of the world be replaced by the "ideal Islamic rule" (khilafat) of "the Islamic State." To strive fully to achieve this end is jihad, which may assume the form of an armed struggle (qital) when the situation so demands and Islamic conditions for it are fulfilled. Mawdudi gives various arguments to assert that this jihad is not a bane but a boon for mankind, and in it lies the only hope for mankind's prosperous existence in this world and the next. Contradicting Mawdudi's worldview, Javed Aḥmad Ghamidi (1951- ) asserts that the basic purpose of Islam as a religion is to purify the human soul to enable a person to worship and serve God as His true subject and servant. The qital done by the Prophet and his companions was essentially and for most part a form of Divine punishment against Divinely specified peoples for denying the truth of the Prophet's message and position after this truth had become evident to them. This form of jihad ended with the Prophet and his companions, and the only valid moral basis for qital now is to end oppression and injustice. Jihad (as qital) cannot be waged to propagate religion or merely to eradicate a non-Islamic "system." This study looks at the implications of these ideas and also delves into the concepts and interpretative approaches on which they are founded.

Several armed Islamist movements have shown remarkable behavioural and ideological transformations towards non-violence. The "de-radicalization" processes of these movements removed tens of thousands of former militants from the ranks of al-Qa'ida's supporter and acted as disincentives for would-be militants. These processes have taken place on a large scale in Egypt and Algeria, and on a smaller scale in Libya, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Jordan, Tajikistan, Malaysia and Indonesia. / This dissertation addresses crucial lacunae in the literature on Islamism, security and counterterrorism studies by asking the question 'why do radical Islamist militants revise their ideologies, strategies and objectives and initiate a de-radicalization process.' The dissertation also aims to answer the question of what are the necessary conditions under which this process can be successful. In the following chapters, I analyze how such factors as state policies, charismatic leadership and social interaction between the layers of an Islamist organization, as well as between the same organization and the "other," can all interact to shape the prospects for renunciation violence, both behaviourally and ideologically, by an Islamist movement. Empirically, I analyze the deradicalization processes of three cases in Egypt (the armed wings of the Muslim Brothers, the Islamic Group and al-Jihad Organization) and one case in Algeria (Islamic Salvation Army and affiliated militias). I also analyze two cases of deradicalization failure in Algeria, as a means to further explicate and examine my variables. / The arguments in the dissertation are based on qualitative comparative research. Archival interviews, supplemented by personal ones, with Islamist leaders, mid-ranking commanders, grassroots organization members, Islamist movements' specialists, former security and intelligence officers and state officials are analyzed to help identify the potential causes of de-radicalization from different perspectives. Content analysis is also used to examine original literature and statements produced by the Islamist groups under study and their leaders to both legitimize and, at a later stage, to de-legitimize violence. / In the conclusion, the dissertation provides a comprehensive theoretical framework that explains the causes of de-radicalization of armed Islamist movements. It also provides direction for future research agendas and addresses policy implications relevant to de-radicalization. / Plusieurs mouvements islamistes armes ont donne les signes d'importants changements sur le plan du comportement et de l'ideologie en faveur de la nonviolence. Les processus de de-radicalisation de ces mouvements ont conduit au retrait de dizaines de milliers d'anciens militants des rangs des supporteurs d' Al Qaida et ont eu un effet dissuasif sur ceux qui songeaient a se joindre a eux. Ces processus ont eu lieu a grande echelle en Egypte et en Algerie et a plus petite echelle en Libye, en Arabie Saoudite, au Yemen, en Jordanie, au Tadjikistan, en Malaisie et en Indonesie. / Cette these porte sur des lacunes importantes dans la litterature sur l'islamisme, les etudes de securite et le contreterrorisme. Elle cherche a savoir pourquoi les militants radicaux islamistes ont revise leurs ideologies, leurs strategies et leur objectifs et initie un processus de de-radicalisation. Cette these vise arepondre a ces questions afin de comprendre les conditions necessaires a la reussite d'un tel processus. Au cours des chapitres suivants, j'analyse comment des facteurs tels que les politiques etatiques, le leadership charismatique, et les interactions sociales entre les couches d'une organisation islamiste ainsi qu'entre la meme organisation et l' « Autre» peuvent tous interagir pour modifier les perspectives d'un mouvement islamiste de fayon aI'amener arenoncer ala violence, tant dans son comportement que dans son ideologie. De fayon empirique, j'analyse les processus de deradicalisation de trois cas en Egypte (l'aile armee des Freres musulmans, le Groupe islamique et l'Organisation du al-Jihad) et d'un cas en Algerie ( l'Armee islamique du salut et les milices affiliees). J'analyse egalement deux cas d'echec de la deradicalisation en Algerie afin d'examiner mes variables. / Les arguments de cette dissertation sont fondes sur une recherche qualitative comparee. Des entrevues archivees et des entrevues que j'ai moi-meme realisees avec des autorites islamistes, des sous-officiers ainsi qu' avec de jeunes sympathisants, des militants de souche, des specialistes des mouvements islamistes, des anciens officiers de la securite et du renseignement et des employes de l' etat sont analysees afin d'aider it identifier sous differents angles les causes potentielles de de-radicalisation. L'analyse de contenu est egalement utilisee pour examiner la litterature de base ainsi que les communiques produits par des groupes islamistes et leurs chefs pour legitimer et plus tard, pour delegitimer, la violence. / En conclusion, la these presente un cadre theorique qui explique les causes de la de-radicalisation des mouvements islamistes armes. Elle propose egalement des avenues de recherche et traite des implications concemant les politiques gouvemementales et autres relatives ala de-radicalisation.

This thesis examines the 1999–2003 case of political conflict in Ambon, in Eastern Indonesia, in the context of political change in Indonesia from 1950-1998. It is argued that political transformation during this period was closely influenced by a much longer period of unprecedented social change preceding the politics of this period. It is suggested that the ideologisation of ethnic identities is likely to occur when structures of community are disrupted by changes in the contemporary world such as economic fluctuations or state policy interventions. One result is to disrupt traditional village communities so as to place individuals in stress situations making them susceptible to new nationalist ideologies. The other impact is to dislocate authority structures so that both incumbent and aspiring elites lose their power and authority and thus search for new ways in order to re-establish their moral and political legitimacy. It is argued that nationalism is able to offer a resolution to social disruption and thus to the community in search of social cohesion, while also functioning to rebuild elite authority. In ethnic nationalist ideology, insecurities and feelings of isolation are ameliorated by subsequent constructions of ‘us’ and ‘them’ where members of one distinct community are demarcated from other communities. It is suggested that myths of ancestry and homeland together with counterposed moral dichotomies appealed to the Ambonese who needed this form of ideological support. It is the insecurities and fear experienced by disrupted communities which promote this powerful ideological formula. It is asserted that conflict on the island has been characterised by this trend towards ideological absolutism where two conflicting ideological constructions have translated the conflict into a non-negotiable confrontation between opposing national rights. It is argued that these two ideological constructions have remained internalised on the island and embedded within the mindsets of both Ambonese Christians and Muslims, thereby rendering setbacks to conflict resolution.

Thesis (M.S.)--Missouri State University, 2008. / "December 2008." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 97-101). Also available online.

Thesis (doctoral)--Freie Universität, Berlin, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [229]-248).