<p> This study examines the discrimination against Japanese immigrants in U.S. naturalization law up to 1952 and how it was covered in the <i> Oregonian</i> newspaper, one of the oldest and most widely read newspapers on the West Coast. The anti-Japanese movement was much larger in California, but this paper focuses on the attitudes in Oregon, which at times echoed sentiments in California but at other times conveyed support for Japanese naturalization. Naturalization laws at the turn of the century were vague, leaving the task of defining who was white, and thus eligible for naturalization, to the courts. Japanese applicants were often denied, but until the federal government clarified which immigrants could or could not become citizens, the subject remained open to debate. &ldquo;Ineligibility to naturalization&rdquo; was often used as a code for &ldquo;Japanese&rdquo; in discriminatory land use laws and similar legislation at the state level in California and in other western states. This study highlights several factors which influenced <i>Oregonian</i> editorials on the subject. </p><p> First, the fear of offending Japan and provoking war with that empire was a foremost concern of <i>Oregonian</i> editors. California&rsquo;s moves to use naturalization law to prevent Japanese immigrants from owning land were seen as dangerous because they damaged relations with Japan and could lead to war. The <i>Oregonian</i> went so far as to recommend Japanese naturalization during the First World War. However, war and foreign relations were federal issues, thus the second theme seen throughout <i> Oregonian</i> editorials was deference to federal authority on questions related to naturalization. While suggesting that naturalization for existing immigrants might be good policy, the <i>Oregonian</i> urged the federal government to settle the matter. Once the Supreme Court ruled against Asian naturalization in 1922 and 1923, the <i>Oregonian</i> dropped its push for such rights. Nativism was another theme that influenced opinions at this time, and before 1923 the <i>Oregonian</i> generally opposed extreme nativist positions, while at the same time advocating for limits to Japanese immigration and against mixed marriages. </p><p> This paper does not deal with the incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II because naturalization was not the issue for the anti-exclusion movement at the time. Citizenship did not give the Nisei, second generation Japanese American citizens, any protection against their wartime removal from the West Coast. </p><p> This study returns to the issue of naturalization for Japanese immigrants after the war, as a number of Issei, first generation Japanese immigrants, still lived in the United States but were denied citizenship, even though most had been in the country for decades at that point. There was less opposition to Japanese naturalization after the war due to the noted loyalty of the Japanese during the war, the focus on human rights as an issue promoted by the new United Nations, and Cold War politics which demanded better relations with Japan and thus fairer treatment of Japanese living in the United States. The <i>Oregonian</i> editorials reflected the shift in public opinion throughout the country in favor of lifting the racial bar to citizenship. Japanese Americans in Oregon were active in the campaign to change U.S. naturalization law. The issue was more important to the Japanese American community than it was to the <i>Oregonian</i> editorial board by then, as other Cold War events took precedence on the front and op-ed pages of the newspaper. </p>

Thesis (M.A.)--Lehigh University, 2009. / Adviser: Michael G. Baylor.

The Larrikin Paradox is concerned with the unexplored nexus between Australian journalism's larrikin tradition and Enlightenment-informed normative theories relating to journalism's public responsibility in liberal democracy. Australian journalism's larrikin tradition, with its connotations of irresponsibility, has so far been considered an inappropriate lens through which to conceptualise Australian journalism's public role. Yet, paradoxically, it is the larrikin's capacity for irresponsibility that gives him, or her, the potential to be an enacting agent of Australian journalism's public responsibility. Using a form of Cultural Historiography, The Larrikin Paradox tests this Thesis Statement: In Australian history, larrikin journalists have been responsible for facilitating and protecting democratic freedom in the public sphere from authority. Because this freedom is in a state of vulnerability, contemporary Australian journalism still needs its larrikin tradition to vouchsafe a work culture capable of maintaining its declared responsibility to 'inform citizens' and 'animate democracy'. However, the dearth of theory concerning the larrikin as a democratic figure has meant that The Larrikin Paradox has had to conceptualise it, more or less, from scratch. After first assembling the figure from over a century of references to the larrikin, The Larrikin Paradox approaches this conceptualisation using a process of historiographical recovery and interpretation. Using a literature review of larrikinism in general, The Larrikin Paradox investigates a possible larrikin axiology relevant to Australian journalism micro-culture. This axiology is gleaned from an analysis of the term's meanings in sources such as dictionaries and commentaries on Australian English, as well as biographical and autobiographical material directly related to Australian journalism. Once gleaned, this axiology is used to inform an investigation into the history of larrikinism in Australian journalism. The history is drawn from those salient sources of journalism as a micro-culture: biographies and autobiographies by, or about, Australian journalists. Here we assume that our axiological 'compass' can help us seek out the larrikin elements in those micro-cultural sources; thereby identifying manifestations of larrikinism within almost 150 years of Australian journalism history. With larrikinism's historical and axiological significance established, The Larrikin Paradox moves on to a comparative analysis of Australian journalism during the Whitlam (1972 - 1975) and Howard (1996 - 2007) eras using oral history and industry-specific publications. This part of the investigation finds there is marked divergences in Australian journalism's cultural interpretation of its larrikin tradition arising from distinct socio-political contexts. In short, the Howard generation (1996 - 2007) of journalists is found to be less larrikin than those of the Whitlam generation (1972 - 1975). However, with the cultural theories of Stuart Hall (1978) and Raymond Williams (1958, 1977) in mind, The Larrikin Paradox concludes that the larrikin, as a democratic figure, can be re-constructed within the micro-culture of Australian journalism.

A presente tese de doutoramento tem como objetivo analisar como se deu o processo de apropriação do jornal A Noite pela ditadura do Estado Novo (1937-1945) ocorrido em março de 1940 e que se estendeu até agosto de 1946, quando o governo eleito de Eurico Gaspar Dutra vendeu o vespertino a uma sociedade anônima composta por seus funcionários. Encampado pelo regime, o jornal A Noite foi anexado às Empresas Incorporadas ao Patrimônio Nacional, organização estatal que congregava todas as empresas estatizadas por aquela ditadura. Sendo assim, busca-se verificar a contribuição de A Noite no projeto de comunicação social proposto pelo Estado Novo. O periódico ao mesmo tempo que apoiou abertamente a ditadura inclusive, sendo apelidado pelos seus adversários de Diário Oficial -, também se beneficiou de sua condição, alcançando o jornal bem como os demais veículos de comunicação pertencentes a Empresa A Noite - significativa ampliação comercial e jornalística. Dentro desse projeto de comunicação social oficial existiam alguns elementos que o norteavam, como a manutenção dos temários populares, característica que marcou o fazer jornalístico de A Noite desde antes da encampação, mas, também, a introdução de novos temas e abordagens baseados na cartilha comunicacional da ditadura. Entendendo o jornal enquanto protagonista da História e agente político interventor na realidade social, decidiu-se pela análise dos conteúdos jornalísticos produzidos por A Noite durante o período em que o vespertino esteve sob encampação do Estado Novo, abordando, sobretudo, como esses temários eram associados aos projetos comunicacionais daquele regime. Portanto, o papel desempenhado por A Noite no decorrer da ditadura estadonovista foi fundamental tanto para assegurar a efetivação desse projeto comunicacional oficial, quanto para o fortalecimento do vespertino enquanto empresa de comunicação. A associação do vespertino, forçada por meio da encampação, com a ditatura acabou criando laços comunicacionais que perduraram mesmo com a derrocada do Estado Novo, projeto comunicacional continuado no Governo Dutra. / The present thesis aims to analyze how the process of appropriation of the newspaper A Noite by the Estado Novo (Brazilian dictatorship, 1937-1945) occurred in March 1940 that lasted until August 1946, when the elected president Eurico Gaspar Dutra sold the gazette to a joint stock company composed by his employees. Encouraged by the regime, the newspaper A Noite became part of the Empresas Incorporadas ao Patrimônio Nacional, a state organization that congregated all the companies nationalized by dictatorship. Therefore, we seek to verify the contribution of A Noite in the social communication project proposed by the Estado Novo. The paper, while openly supporting the dictatorship - including being nicknamed by its opponents \"Diário Oficial\" (Official Journal) - also benefited from its condition, as the newspaper - as well as the other communication vehicles belonging to company A Noite faced a significant commercial and journalistic expansion. Within this official social communication project, there were some elements that guided it, such as the maintenance of popular themes, a characteristic that marked the journalistic work of A Noite since before the expropriation, but also the introduction of new themes and approaches based on the communication rules of dictatorship. Understanding the newspaper as a protagonist of history and a political agent intervening in social reality, it was decided to analyze the journalistic content produced by A Noite during the period in which the paper was under Estado Novo rule, especially addressing how these topics were associated to the communicational projects of that regime. Therefore, the role played by A Noite in the course of the Portuguese-speaking dictatorship was fundamental both to ensure the effectiveness of this official communication project, and to strengthen the newspaper as a communication company. The gazette association, forced through the expropriation, with the dictatorship, ended up creating communication ties that lasted even after the collapse of Estado Novo, a continuous communication project in the Dutra Government.

A presente tese de doutoramento tem como objetivo analisar como se deu o processo de apropriação do jornal A Noite pela ditadura do Estado Novo (1937-1945) ocorrido em março de 1940 e que se estendeu até agosto de 1946, quando o governo eleito de Eurico Gaspar Dutra vendeu o vespertino a uma sociedade anônima composta por seus funcionários. Encampado pelo regime, o jornal A Noite foi anexado às Empresas Incorporadas ao Patrimônio Nacional, organização estatal que congregava todas as empresas estatizadas por aquela ditadura. Sendo assim, busca-se verificar a contribuição de A Noite no projeto de comunicação social proposto pelo Estado Novo. O periódico ao mesmo tempo que apoiou abertamente a ditadura inclusive, sendo apelidado pelos seus adversários de Diário Oficial -, também se beneficiou de sua condição, alcançando o jornal bem como os demais veículos de comunicação pertencentes a Empresa A Noite - significativa ampliação comercial e jornalística. Dentro desse projeto de comunicação social oficial existiam alguns elementos que o norteavam, como a manutenção dos temários populares, característica que marcou o fazer jornalístico de A Noite desde antes da encampação, mas, também, a introdução de novos temas e abordagens baseados na cartilha comunicacional da ditadura. Entendendo o jornal enquanto protagonista da História e agente político interventor na realidade social, decidiu-se pela análise dos conteúdos jornalísticos produzidos por A Noite durante o período em que o vespertino esteve sob encampação do Estado Novo, abordando, sobretudo, como esses temários eram associados aos projetos comunicacionais daquele regime. Portanto, o papel desempenhado por A Noite no decorrer da ditadura estadonovista foi fundamental tanto para assegurar a efetivação desse projeto comunicacional oficial, quanto para o fortalecimento do vespertino enquanto empresa de comunicação. A associação do vespertino, forçada por meio da encampação, com a ditatura acabou criando laços comunicacionais que perduraram mesmo com a derrocada do Estado Novo, projeto comunicacional continuado no Governo Dutra. / The present thesis aims to analyze how the process of appropriation of the newspaper A Noite by the Estado Novo (Brazilian dictatorship, 1937-1945) occurred in March 1940 that lasted until August 1946, when the elected president Eurico Gaspar Dutra sold the gazette to a joint stock company composed by his employees. Encouraged by the regime, the newspaper A Noite became part of the Empresas Incorporadas ao Patrimônio Nacional, a state organization that congregated all the companies nationalized by dictatorship. Therefore, we seek to verify the contribution of A Noite in the social communication project proposed by the Estado Novo. The paper, while openly supporting the dictatorship - including being nicknamed by its opponents \"Diário Oficial\" (Official Journal) - also benefited from its condition, as the newspaper - as well as the other communication vehicles belonging to company A Noite faced a significant commercial and journalistic expansion. Within this official social communication project, there were some elements that guided it, such as the maintenance of popular themes, a characteristic that marked the journalistic work of A Noite since before the expropriation, but also the introduction of new themes and approaches based on the communication rules of dictatorship. Understanding the newspaper as a protagonist of history and a political agent intervening in social reality, it was decided to analyze the journalistic content produced by A Noite during the period in which the paper was under Estado Novo rule, especially addressing how these topics were associated to the communicational projects of that regime. Therefore, the role played by A Noite in the course of the Portuguese-speaking dictatorship was fundamental both to ensure the effectiveness of this official communication project, and to strengthen the newspaper as a communication company. The gazette association, forced through the expropriation, with the dictatorship, ended up creating communication ties that lasted even after the collapse of Estado Novo, a continuous communication project in the Dutra Government.

No description available.

Columbia University's Summer Program, created by Fred Friendly, was the first enduring effort to prepare non-whites for jobs in the news media. It operated from 1968 to 1974 at the Graduate School of Journalism, training 223 journalists for print and broadcast jobs. Three decades after the closing of this elite program, 110 graduates responded to a telephone survey on attitudes toward first employers, careers, and their experiences at Columbia. Results from this exploratory study show respondents spent an average 17.6 years in news media after the Summer Program, and 30.9 percent of respondents spent thirty years or more in journalism. Nearly 42 percent of respondents said they were promoted in their first jobs, and 29.1 percent became managers or supervisors in mainstream media news. Those who left news media cited reasons that seem to contradict results of earlier retention studies on people of color. Graduates rated the training highly.

No description available.

A presente pesquisa se debruça sobre a produção noticiosa do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo entre os anos de 1940 e 1945. Durante esse período, o jornal sofreu intervenção do governo (Estado Novo, 1937-1945) e passou por transformações em sua estrutura que buscavam autolegitimar o regime entre os leitores do periódico. Dentre essas transformações operadas pela nova direção, a coluna Notícias do Rio se destaca por se constituir como espaço privilegiado do Estado Novo no sentido de construir sua autoimagem. Essas mudanças foram ao encontro de um projeto de comunicação social que o Governo Federal buscava impor para o jornal, especialmente ao considerar o contexto de relações com a imprensa (silenciamentos, incitações) vivenciadas durante o período. Muito mais do que exemplo de força do regime, a intervenção do periódico assume nesta análise como o resultado de longos conflitos entre grupos políticos que se digladiaram por sua manutenção no poder. Todavia, isso não impediu que os líderes do jornal construíssem uma relação situacional com Vargas caracterizada por momentos de apoio e combate a seu governo. Com a instauração do Estado Novo em 1937, os dirigentes dOESP sofreram com processos criminais e deportações, assumindo a intervenção do periódico o derradeiro golpe do regime contra seus antigos aliados de 1930. O Estado de S. Paulo será ressignificado com a intervenção em 1940, colocando em evidência novos personagens no cenário político nacional por meio de suas páginas. Deste modo, mais do que censurar, o Estado Novo se preocupou em produzir notícias e imagens que o autolegitimassem diante dos leitores do jornal, fazendo da coluna Notícias do Rio o painel das ações oficias do regime. / This research focuses on the newsy production of the newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo between the years of 1940 e 1945. During this period the newspaper suffered the intervention of the government (Estado Novo, 1937-1945) and went through changes in its structure that was seeking for self-legitimation of the regime among the readers of the journal. Among these transformations wrought by the new direction, the column Notícias do Rio stands out for constituting a privileged space for Estado Novo to build its self-image. These changes were to meet a social media project elaborated by the federal government in order to impose its will to the journal, especially when considering the context of its relationship with press (silences, incitements) experienced during the period. Much more than an example of strength of the regime, the intervention of the periodical assumes, in this analysis, the result of a long conflict among political groups that battled for its maintenance in power. Nevertheless, it has not stopped the leaders of the newspaper from building a situational relationship with Vargas characterized by moments of support and moments of combat against his government. With the introduction of Estado Novo in 1937, the leaders of OESP suffered some prosecutions and deportations, assuming the intervention of the journal, the ultimate hit of the regime against its former allies of 1930. O Estado de S. Paulo would be reframed with the intervention in 1940, putting in evidence new characters of the national politics scenario through its pages. This way, rather than censor, Estado Novo worried about producing news and images that could self-legitimate itself to the readers of the newspaper, making of the column Notícias do Rio the panel for the official actions of the regime.

A presente pesquisa se debruça sobre a produção noticiosa do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo entre os anos de 1940 e 1945. Durante esse período, o jornal sofreu intervenção do governo (Estado Novo, 1937-1945) e passou por transformações em sua estrutura que buscavam autolegitimar o regime entre os leitores do periódico. Dentre essas transformações operadas pela nova direção, a coluna Notícias do Rio se destaca por se constituir como espaço privilegiado do Estado Novo no sentido de construir sua autoimagem. Essas mudanças foram ao encontro de um projeto de comunicação social que o Governo Federal buscava impor para o jornal, especialmente ao considerar o contexto de relações com a imprensa (silenciamentos, incitações) vivenciadas durante o período. Muito mais do que exemplo de força do regime, a intervenção do periódico assume nesta análise como o resultado de longos conflitos entre grupos políticos que se digladiaram por sua manutenção no poder. Todavia, isso não impediu que os líderes do jornal construíssem uma relação situacional com Vargas caracterizada por momentos de apoio e combate a seu governo. Com a instauração do Estado Novo em 1937, os dirigentes dOESP sofreram com processos criminais e deportações, assumindo a intervenção do periódico o derradeiro golpe do regime contra seus antigos aliados de 1930. O Estado de S. Paulo será ressignificado com a intervenção em 1940, colocando em evidência novos personagens no cenário político nacional por meio de suas páginas. Deste modo, mais do que censurar, o Estado Novo se preocupou em produzir notícias e imagens que o autolegitimassem diante dos leitores do jornal, fazendo da coluna Notícias do Rio o painel das ações oficias do regime. / This research focuses on the newsy production of the newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo between the years of 1940 e 1945. During this period the newspaper suffered the intervention of the government (Estado Novo, 1937-1945) and went through changes in its structure that was seeking for self-legitimation of the regime among the readers of the journal. Among these transformations wrought by the new direction, the column Notícias do Rio stands out for constituting a privileged space for Estado Novo to build its self-image. These changes were to meet a social media project elaborated by the federal government in order to impose its will to the journal, especially when considering the context of its relationship with press (silences, incitements) experienced during the period. Much more than an example of strength of the regime, the intervention of the periodical assumes, in this analysis, the result of a long conflict among political groups that battled for its maintenance in power. Nevertheless, it has not stopped the leaders of the newspaper from building a situational relationship with Vargas characterized by moments of support and moments of combat against his government. With the introduction of Estado Novo in 1937, the leaders of OESP suffered some prosecutions and deportations, assuming the intervention of the journal, the ultimate hit of the regime against its former allies of 1930. O Estado de S. Paulo would be reframed with the intervention in 1940, putting in evidence new characters of the national politics scenario through its pages. This way, rather than censor, Estado Novo worried about producing news and images that could self-legitimate itself to the readers of the newspaper, making of the column Notícias do Rio the panel for the official actions of the regime.