Thesis (doctoral)--Universität zu Köln, 1985. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 148-154).

This thesis is a study of national integration policies as a method of conflict resolution. It assumes that a nation can be multiethnic and integrative, rather than ethnically homogeneous and exclusive. Instead of seeking outright separatism for ethnonational conflicts, it explores ways to integrate sizeable ethnic groups through suitable nation-building policies, in this case, the Kurds. To justify the above hypothesis, this study analyses two theoretical frameworks, first, the prototypical national integration theory based on Karl W. Deutsch's work, and second, Revolution from Above based on Ellen K. Trimberger's work. This study regards Revolution from Above as an effective method for newly established states to consolidate administrative capabilities, which are vital to political institutionalisation. Particularly, nation-building through Revolution from Above is deemed suitable for redressing the problems posed by arbitrarily drawn national borders, as reforms conducted by such governments are designed to compensate for the lack of pre-existing national unity, such as provision of national education, welfare, and economic development. This study then examines two specific cases of nation-building, in Turkey and in Iraq, and in particular how they faced the challenge of integrating their substantial Kurdish minorities. Turkey is treated as a representative case of nation-building through Revolution from Above, and Iraq is treated as an example in which equivalent nation-building measures to the Turkish case were absent, owing to the mandate rule by Britain in its earliest period. This empirical chapter will be presented in four key phases which are: (1) The Legacy of Ottoman Centralisation, (2) State Formation, (3) Political Mobilisation, and (4) Integration or Containment? Finally, this study will examine the impact of foreign intervention on the relations between governments and minorities. The failed national integration that is manifest in totalitarian state-structure will be discussed, as it may trigger political and military interventions by foreign powers. The final chapter examines the two test cases, based on Kurdish nationalists' contacts with foreign states and organisations in the 1920s and in the 1990s.

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Diss.--Hamburg. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2005. / Title from title screen. Jeremy Crampton, committee chair; Christine Skwiot, Dona Stewart, committee members. Electronic text (116 p. : ill., maps (some col.)). Description based on contents viewed Apr. 27, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-116).

This dissertation asks how practices of security and development intersect in the operation of political power in conflict and post-conflict zones. Recent investment in gendered development as a mechanism of conflict mitigation mark a historic shift in the security imperatives of Turkish policy towards the predominantly Kurdish Southeast. The visible growth in gendered education and welfare programs in post-conflict urban Southeast Turkey indicate that women are taking center stage in the social, economic, and cultural struggles underpinning the Kurdish Question. In other words, national security strategy and local political struggles for cultural legitimacy are increasingly tied to the intimate management of family, education, and livelihood decisions of Kurdish women. This substantive shift in policy and its deployment in practice necessitate a nuanced approach to the study and understanding of the Kurdish Question. This dissertation explores the complexity of state-society power relations that are unfolding in the day-to-day lives of impacted migrant neighborhoods in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Through the conversations and practices of development actors (administrators, teachers, doctors) and participants (migrant women), political narratives of national belonging (Turkish and Kurdish) are upheld and challenged against the differential distribution and access to resources, commitments to family and culture, and disturbing trends of domestic violence. To this end, the dissertation highlights persistent discrepancies between the security goals of the state and nation and the day-to-day security concerns of women and their families.

This thesis examines the development and mechanics of the political system of Iraqi Kurdistan (northern Iraq). Since 1991, a de facto state system has been in existence in this region, a situation exists which has few precedents and no present-day comparison. The political system of Iraqi Kurdistan is identified as possessing political parties, electoral procedures, a national assembly, and organs of governance and administration. To understand this political system, the structures, decisionmaking processes and political history of the major political parties are analysed. Historically, the Kurds have never possessed a state. However, following the Gulf War of 1990-1991 and the withdrawal of the Government. of Iraq (GOI) from Iraqi Kurdistan, an indigenous emergency administration was established by the Iraqi Kurdistan Front (IKF), followed by multi-party elections in 1992. The administrative vacuum forced the militia-style political parties into governing the territory. Such a task brought parties supposedly representing different strata of Kurdish society together in a volatile coalition resulting in a equal sharing of power. However, interfactional fighting in 1994 resulting in the Kurdish region being divided between the two most powerful political parties (the KDP and PUK), with the system being further complicated by a multitude of smaller political parties and groupings. A theme which is developed throughout the thesis is that the successful peaceful political development of the Iraqi Kurdish region may be achieved by employing a variant of a consociational system of governance. It is argued that a major component of a peaceful political settlement has to include elite accommodation within the governmental structure which is acceptable to the geopolitical thinking of neighbouring states and influencing powers, as well as being able to administer the Iraqi Kurdish region in this difficult period for the whole of Iraq. A modified powersharing system may possibly allow for such political development to take place, later allowing the KDP and PUK to once again unify the political system of Iraqi Kurdistan.

The purpose of this thesis is to illustrate the situation of the Kurdish minority in Turkey within the theoretical parameters of political integration. The problem: are the Kurds in Turkey politically integrated? Within the definition of political development generally, and of political integration specifically, are found problem areas inherent to a modernizing polity. These problem areas of identity, legitimacy, penetration, participation~ and distribution are the basis of analysis in determining the extent of political integration for the Kurds in Turkey. When these five problem areas are adequately dealt with in order to achieve the goals of equality, capacity and differentiation, political integration is achieved.

This thesis focuses on various aspects of the social and political history of the Yazidi Kurds of Jabal Sinjar ( Iraq)during the British mandate. When relevant to the history of mandatory Sinjarit also deals with the neighbouring Yazidicommunity of Iraqi Shaikhan. Chapters I and II are primarily concerned with the society and economy of Jabal Sinjarin theperiod under consideration with particular emphasis on the socio-economic and political organization of the Yaziditribes settled in the area. They also provide a general historical perspective of the socio-economic development ofthe region. Chapter III discusses the late Ottoman period in detail with a view to defining community-state relations andthe development of Yazidi inter- tribalaf fairs in Jabal Sinjar. Chapters IV and V examine the history of the YazidiMountain in the years of the British mandate when the emerging structures of the Iraqi state had significantrepercussions on Sinjari society, especially on the attitude of a number of Yaziditri al leaders. These developments areanalysed primarily in the context of the policies implemented in the northern Jazirah by the British and Iraqiadministrations and by the French mandatory authorities who controlled its Syrian section. Particular emphasis is placedon the dispute between Great Britain and France concerning the elimination of the Syro- Iraqi border in the Sinjar areawhich affected relations between the Yazidis, the British mandatory administration and the Iraqi authorities ChapterVI gives an account of the Sinjari Yazidis' quest f or autonomy which became increasingly associated with theAssyro-Chaldean autonomist movement in the last years of the mandate.

No description available.