The aim of this thesis is to bring together scattered information about the South African textile industry in an endeavour to give its growth some semblance of order up to 1948. The thesis commences by looking at the early colonial period, from the arrival of the 1820 Settlers and the first mill they established. As wool and cotton are basic commodities in the textile industry, these are dealt with from the arrival of Jan van Riebeeck in 1652, as is the colonial economy. The development of the industry is tabled , in chronological order, from 1822 covering where mills were sited and their founders. Two chapters are devoted to the leading pioneers in the industry - Harris, Mauerberger, Beier and Frame. The position of trade unions and the role of the state in the industry are looked at, subsequently. The thesis concludes with an assessment of the industry up to 1948. The question is posed as to the future of the textile industry in the South African economy. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2000.

This research expounds on the impact of Organised Labour in Dispute Resolution at eThekwini Municipality. The research will identify the positive and negative aspects of the stakeholders within the environment of labour relations. The necessity of this research is that very little research has been conducted in the dispute resolution environment at eThekwini Municipality. In any labour contract, there will always be disputes between the stakeholders concerned. In some instances, the conclusion of the dispute is a win-win situation or winner takes all. In the open market, the engaging of the Commission for Conciliation Mediation and Arbitration is the forum available to resolve disputes. In the local government sector, however, organised labour caters for the needs of its members by taking their grievances to the bargaining council under the auspices of the South African Local Government Bargaining Council. Local government is the sphere that is closest to the public at which delivery of services takes place. The manner in which this is conducted depends largely on the Municipality's institutional capacity. The institutional capacity also influences its regulatory role. The co-operative governance approach encourages multiple stakeholder arrangements to deal with labour relations issues. These arrangements will provide an illustration of the role of various stakeholders in achieving peace and harmony in the workplace. Organised Labour will always have a profound effect on the economy, politics and social services. Its contribution and development to society is highly influential and ensures its recognition. The challenge is to develop systems and procedures that will serve the labour relations environment. This research will set out to explore the dispute resolution mechanism that exists currently, and the effect it has in the Municipality. In this way there will be a definitive significance on the approach to formalise the roles employed by management and organised labour. / Thesis (MPA)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2010.

This thesis consists of an introductory chapter and four self-contained papers on temporary work agenciesand the economic analysis of law. Paper [I] adds to the theoretical literature on the incentives of Temporary Work Agencies (TWAs). Using aprincipal-agent model with hidden action to model two main types of contracts between a TWA and a ClientFirm (CF), the TWA is shown to potentially act against the best interest of the CF when helping to fill avacant position. The results also suggest that the adverse effect of the incentive misalignment is larger whenthe worker is going to be leased instead of hired by the CF. However, this effect could potentially be offsetby introducing a sufficient level of competition among the TWAs. Paper [II] uses individual-level data on young adults to estimate how the probability of being employed inthe Swedish temporary agency sector is affected by whether a partner or other family member has experienceof temporary agency work. The results show a significant effect from all peer groups of a magnitude thatcorrespond to the other most influential control variables. We also find that this cohort of the agency sectorhas a relatively high education level compared to the regular sector, and that there are predominately menworking in thissector. Paper [III] analyses possible effects on total employment, and the distribution between agency work andregular contracts as a consequence of the implementation of the EU Temporary and Agency Workers Directive in Sweden. The analysis is based on changes in the compensation to agency workers in a calibratedextension of a Mortensen-Pissarides search model. Even though the results suggest a negative net effect ontotal employment, the implementation is shown to increase (utilitarian) welfare, and an increased transitionprobability from the agency sector into regular employment will increase welfare even further. Paper [IV] focuses on settlement probabilities for different types of representation within the Swedish LabourCourt. Empirical estimates on a set of unjust dismissal cases show that private representatives are generallyless likely to reach a settlement than their union counterparts. The settlement probabilities converge following court-mandated information disclosure, which suggests that information asymmetry is an importantfactor in explaining differences in settlement behaviour. Privately instigated negotiations are therefore ingeneral insufficient for making cases with non-union representation reach the same settlement rate as caseswith union representation.

Thesis (MTech (Human Resource Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2016. / The mining sector has been the backbone of the Namibian economy since Namibia attained its independence. However, the disruptive nature of the numerous strikes that are experienced in the mining sector has prompted this study that explores the perceptions held by different stakeholders on the impact of strikes on the productivity of three selected mines in Namibia. The selected mines are Langer Heinrich mine, Navachab Gold mine and Skorpion Zinc mine. Labour disputes in Namibia’s mining sector have a long history dating back to the colonial era. A myriad of factors that include, amongst others, poor remuneration, unfair labour practices, poor social and housing amenities, perceived discrimination and harsh working conditions are major triggers for mining sector strikes. Strikes are mostly conducted by employees when they fail to amicably resolve a labour dispute with their employers. Employees are normally perceived as the backbone of any organisation. Conflicts, however, are part of human nature and can only be avoided, in most cases, if people are conscious of the consequences of their actions and reactions, hence, the need to explore the perceptions of stakeholders on the impact of strikes on the productivity of the selected mines. Human perceptions are dynamic in nature. Irrespective of this fact, in this research questionnaires were administered to obtain the perceptions of mine management, miners and trade union members on the effects of strikes on the productivity of the three selected mines. A different questionnaire was designed to gather the views of the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare (MLSW) officials since in most cases they are involved in conciliating the disputing parties. Generally, strikes have negative impacts not only on the organisation concerned, but also on the Namibian economy at large. The mines selected for this research are situated in the Khomas, Erongo and Karas regions of Namibia. Most mining companies in Namibia are located in Erongo and Karas, whereas Windhoek, which is in the Khomas region, mainly houses some of these mines headquarters. A five-point Likert scale was used to gather data in the survey. Specialised software called Statistical Program for Social Scientists (SPSS) was then used to analyse the data. Although the results indicate that in most cases the striking parties are aware of the adverse effects of strikes on productivity of the mines, they still opt to use strikes as a bargaining weapon. Since conflicts are always bound to arise where two or more parties interact, this study recommends that there should always be a conciliator who tries to amicably resolve disputes by sensitising each party on the consequences of strikes. The study also recommends a model which emphasises the need to thoroughly inform the mineworkers and the mine management on the ripple effects of strikes and on the need to achieve a win-win situation for all the parties that are involved in a conflict. The model emphasises that although the employees and the employers can individually and separately approach the official, which is the MLSW, such official should always provide open feedback to the feuding parties through a tripartite negotiation forum, otherwise any other type of covert feedback may be misinterpreted as bias by one of the feuding parties. The model further explains that at all times direct negotiations between employees and their employers must be kept open, as it is possible that agreements that can reduce strike action may be reached without necessarily engaging a third party.

Jane G, first appeared as a series in Solidarity, the mouthpiece of the Cape Action League. The series was read by activists in community, student, youth and worker organisations. At the request of readers, the Cape Action League decided to publish the series as a booklet. The book is written in easy English in order for it to be used by workers and their allies as an instrument for active struggle against all forms of oppression and exploitation. The story of Jane G has its roots in the daily experiences of an ordinary black working mother living in South Africa/Azania. She is the mother you meet at the bus stop, meet in the taxi, talk to at the corner shop or prayer meeting. In this series, Jane G’s struggle is typical of the millions of workers suffering a similar fate in our country. Jane speaks of the hardship she faces under the exploitative cycle of earning low wages and paying high rents. The burden of working long hours and paying high prices for basic food in order to look after her family. She finds relief by joining the Clothing Workers’ Union which organises workers at the Rex-Tex factory where she works.

Cde President, Willie Madisha, Cde Zwelinzima Vavi, General Secretary and all COSATU national office-bearers, leadership of COSATU affiliates, leadership of the ANC present, Cde Jeremy Cronin and the SACP delegation, local and international guests, cde delegates. As the SACP we are deeply honoured by the invitation to come and address your congress. This occasion might go down in history as one of the most important congresses in the history of this Federation, this, the 8th Congress of the Congress of South African Trade Unions.

Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The role and influence of interest groups and non-state actors in the foreign policy process remains an interesting topic for debate. This study explores the role of three South African trade union organisations, COSATU, FEDUSA and Solidariteit, in the foreign policy process of South Africa. It asks what role these trade union organisations played between 1999 and 2012 in the South African foreign policy process and what factors had a bearing on that role. The core argument of this study is that trade union organisations participate in creating public awareness of foreign policy issues among its members and the broader population. Through this role they, in turn, get involved in the foreign policy debate by promoting the participation of the masses. The dual approach of quantitative and qualitative content analysis of online news articles, statements and policy documents produced interesting results about the factors that motivate trade union interests in the South African foreign policy process. The main findings show that South African trade union organisations attempt to influence or engage in the economic and foreign policy processes when it affects their members. Their economic focus is on the extent to which economic factors have a bearing on how the macro-economic policy of the state favours the wealth and development of its citizens over the financial gain of international investors. Interesting findings are presented by the political factors that have a bearing on trade union organisations‟ roles in the foreign policy process of South Africa. The results show that trade union organisations have an inherent interest in the strengthening of democratic values, governance and the protection of human rights. Similar to the analysis of economic factors, it was found that South African trade unions show a greater interest in foreign policy events or issues that affect trade unions or workers domestically or in other states. This can be attributed to the strong sense of solidarity among trade union organisations for greater representation in political and policy processes. The findings of this study imply that South African trade union organisations are part of a growing trend among non-state actors and domestic interest groups that take an interest in issues and events beyond national borders. The results of this study correspond with arguments made in existing literature that South Africa trade union organisations play a minimal role in the making of foreign policy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die rol en invloed van belangegroepe en niestaatsrolspelers in die vorming van buitelandse beleid bly 'n interessante onderwerp vir bespreking. Hierdie studie verken die rol van drie Suid-Afrikaanse vakbondorganisasies – Cosatu, Fedusa en Solidariteit – in die ontwikkeling van die land se buitelandse beleid. Dit ondersoek die rol wat hierdie organisasies tussen 1999 en 2012 in buitelandse beleid gespeel het, en die faktore wat daardie rol beïnvloed het. Die kernargument van hierdie studie is dat vakbondorganisasies hul lede sowel as die groter publiek van kwessies met betrekking tot buitelandse beleid help bewus maak. Deurdat hulle massadeelname aanmoedig, word die organisasies op hulle beurt by die debat oor buitelandse beleid betrek. Die dubbele benadering van kwantitatiewe én kwalitatiewe inhoudsontleding van aanlyn nuusberigte, verklarings en beleidsdokumente bring interessante resultate oor die redes vir vakbondbelangstelling in Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid aan die lig. Die hoofbevindinge toon dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbondorganisasies die vorming van ekonomiese en buitelandse beleid probeer beïnvloed of daaraan deelneem wanneer dit hul lede raak. Ekonomies konsentreer hulle veral op die mate waarin die makro-ekonomiese beleid van die staat die welvaart en ontwikkeling van sy burgers bo finansiële gewin vir internasionale beleggers stel. Dit is egter veral die politieke beweegredes vir vakbonddeelname aan die land se buitelandse beleid wat insiggewende resultate oplewer. Die studie bevind dat vakbonde 'n inherente belang het by die versterking van demokratiese waardes en bestuur, en die beskerming van menseregte. Soos met die ekonomiese faktore, dui die ontleding van die politieke faktore ook daarop dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbonde 'n groter belangstelling toon in gebeure of kwessies insake buitelandse beleid wat vakbonde of hul lede binnelands sowel as in ander state raak. Dít kan toegeskryf word aan die sterk samehorigheidsgevoel onder vakbondorganisasies om gesamentlik beter verteenwoordiging in politieke en beleidsprosesse te bekom. Die bevindinge van hierdie studie impliseer dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbondorganisasies deel uitmaak van 'n toenemende tendens onder niestaatsrolspelers en binnelandse belangegroepe om al hoe meer in kwessies en gebeure buite landsgrense belang te stel. Die resultate van die studie ooreenstem met die argumente gestel in bestaande literatuur dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbond organisasies ʼn beperkte rol binne buitelandse-beleidsmaking speel.

The purpose of this research project was to analyze the dialectic of co-optation/domestication and resistance as manifested in the experience of racialized Canadian trade unionists. The seven research participants are racialized rank-and-file members, elected or appointed leaders, retired trade unionists, as well as staff of trade unions and other labour organizations. In spite of the struggle of racialized peoples for racial justice or firm anti-racism policies and programmes in their labour unions, there is a dearth of research on the racialized trade union members against racism, the actual condition under which they struggle, the particular ways that union institutional structures domesticate these struggles, and/or the countervailing actions by racialized members to realize anti-racist organizational goals. While the overt and vulgar forms of racism is no longer the dominant mode of expression in today’s labour movement, its systemic and institutional presence is just as debilitating for racial trade union members. This research has uncovered the manner in which the electoral process and machinery, elected and appointed political positions, staff jobs and formal constituency groups, and affirmative action or equity representational structures in labour unions and other labour organizations are used as sites of domestication or co-optation of some racialized trade unionists by the White-led labour bureaucratic structures and the forces in defense of whiteness. However, racialized trade union members also participate in struggles to resist racist domination. Among some of tools used to advance anti-racism are the creation of support networks, transgressive challenges to the entrenched leadership through elections, formation of constituency advocacy outside of the structure of the union and discrete forms of resistance. The participants in the research shared their stories of the way that race and gender condition the experiences of racialized women in the labour movement. The racialized interviewees were critical of the inadequacy of labour education programmes in dealing effectively with racism and offer solutions to make them relevant to the racial justice agenda. This study of race, resistance and co-optation in the labour movement has made contributions to the fields of critical race theory, labour and critical race feminism and labour studies.

The purpose of this research project was to analyze the dialectic of co-optation/domestication and resistance as manifested in the experience of racialized Canadian trade unionists. The seven research participants are racialized rank-and-file members, elected or appointed leaders, retired trade unionists, as well as staff of trade unions and other labour organizations. In spite of the struggle of racialized peoples for racial justice or firm anti-racism policies and programmes in their labour unions, there is a dearth of research on the racialized trade union members against racism, the actual condition under which they struggle, the particular ways that union institutional structures domesticate these struggles, and/or the countervailing actions by racialized members to realize anti-racist organizational goals. While the overt and vulgar forms of racism is no longer the dominant mode of expression in today’s labour movement, its systemic and institutional presence is just as debilitating for racial trade union members. This research has uncovered the manner in which the electoral process and machinery, elected and appointed political positions, staff jobs and formal constituency groups, and affirmative action or equity representational structures in labour unions and other labour organizations are used as sites of domestication or co-optation of some racialized trade unionists by the White-led labour bureaucratic structures and the forces in defense of whiteness. However, racialized trade union members also participate in struggles to resist racist domination. Among some of tools used to advance anti-racism are the creation of support networks, transgressive challenges to the entrenched leadership through elections, formation of constituency advocacy outside of the structure of the union and discrete forms of resistance. The participants in the research shared their stories of the way that race and gender condition the experiences of racialized women in the labour movement. The racialized interviewees were critical of the inadequacy of labour education programmes in dealing effectively with racism and offer solutions to make them relevant to the racial justice agenda. This study of race, resistance and co-optation in the labour movement has made contributions to the fields of critical race theory, labour and critical race feminism and labour studies.

Ancienne colonie française, le Sénégal à l'instar de beaucoup d'autres pays de l'Afrique Occidentale Française (AOF) a subi l'influence du droit français.Cependant, après les indépendances, les jeunes Etats africains, bien que s'inspirant toujours de cet héritage commun que constitue le droit français, ont essayé de bâtir leur propre législation en tenant compte des contextes sociologique, politique, mais surtout économique. Ainsi, au Sénégal, le législateur, sous prétexte des réalités locales, mais aussi de la nécessité du développement, a instauré un droit des relations collectives de travail en général, et des conflits collectifs du travail en particulier, fondée sur une conception assez particulière du syndicalisme, qui vise à accentuer leur responsabilité (sans pour autant occulter celle des grévistes) et qui finalement, aboutit à une limitation du droit de grève, qu'on jugera excessive. Ainsi, force est de constater qu'aujourd'hui, ce droit sénégalais des conflits collectifs tranche sur plusieurs points avec le droit français.L'étude de la responsabilité à l'occasion des conflits collectifs de travail nous permet de faire le bilan, de voir ce qui reste de cet héritage juridique que constitue le droit français, et dans quelle mesure il peut toujours constituer une référence pour le Sénégal, compte tenu des objectifs visés et surtout du contexte nécessairement différent dans lequel s'exercent les conflits collectifs du travail. / The Former French colony , Senegal following the example of many of the other countries of French West Africa ( AOF) underwent the influence of the French law.However, after the independences, the young African States, although being always inspired by this common inheritance which establishes the French law, tried to build their own legislation by taking into account sociological, political, but especially economic contexts. So, in Senegal, the legislator, under pretext of the local realities, but also the necessity of the development, established a law of the collective working relations generally, and the collective conflicts of the work in particular, based on a rather particular conception of the trade unionism, which aims at stressing their responsibility (without hidting that of the strikers) and which finally, ends in a limitation of the right to strike, which we shall judge. So, we have to admit that today, this right Senegalese of the collective conflicts cuts on several points with the French law.The study of the responsibility on the occasion of the collective working conflicts allows us to draw up the balance sheet, to see what stays of this legal inheritance which establishes the French law, and in which measure he can always establish a reference for Senegal, considering the aimed objectives and especially considering the inevitably different context in which practice the collective conflicts of the work.