Literary histories of specific genres like tragedy or epic typically concern themselves with influence and deviation, tradition and innovation, the genealogical links between authors and the forms they make. Renaissance scholarship is particularly suited to these accounts of generic evolution; we read of the afterlife of Senecan tragedy in English drama, or of the respective influence of Virgil and Lucan on Renaissance epic. My study of epic poetry differs, though: by insisting on the primacy of material conditions, social organization and especially information technology to the production of literature, I present a discontinuous series of set pieces in which any given epic poem—the Iliad, the Aeneid, or The Faerie Queene—is structured more by local circumstances and methods than by authorial responses to distant epic predecessors. Ultimately I make arguments about how modes of literary production determine the forms of epic poems. Achilleus’ contradictory and anachronistic funerary practices in Iliad 23, for instance, are symptomatic of the accumulative transcription of disparate oral performances over time, which calls into question what, if any artistic ‘unity’ might guide scholarly readings of the Homeric texts. While classicists have conventionally opposed Virgil’s Aeneid to Lucan’s Bellum Civile on aesthetic and political grounds, I argue that both poets endorse the ethnographic-imperialist ideology ‘virtus at the frontier’ under the twin pressures of Julio-Claudian military expansion and the Principate’s instrumentalization of Roman intellectual life in its public library system. Finally, my chapter on Renaissance English epic demonstrates how Spenser and Milton grappled with humanist anxieties about the political utility of the classics and the unmanageable archive produced by print culture. It is my hope that this thesis coheres into a narrative of a particularly long-lived genre, the epic, and the mutations and adaptations it underwent in oral, manuscript, and print contexts.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Classical Languages and Literatures, December 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

This dissertation seeks to demonstrate Lucan's profound engagement and conflict with two ancient intellectual and literary traditions that can both be regarded as escapist, that is, as promising or postulating a sanctuary (whether physical or spiritual) from the world's troubles, and that were both active in Lucan's own day: utopian writing about science, exemplified in Latin by Lucan's uncle Seneca the Younger, as well as by the astronomical poet Manilius, and utopian Egyptology, as reflected in a wide variety of texts ranging from Herodotus, through Diodorus Siculus, to Lucan's contemporary, the Alexandrian polymath Chaeremon. To this end, I have examined two closely related sequences in the De Bello Civili that have received little attention from scholars of Lucan, namely Pompey's journey to Egypt in Book Eight and Caesar's Egyptian sojourn in Book Ten, during which Lucan's two main characters are each shown attempting to take refuge from the poem's ubiquitous violence through the double avenue of travel to Egypt (to which the defeated Pompey flees, and where his pursuer Caesar hopes to leave the civil war behind) and the practice of natural science (with Pompey's astronomical inquiry and Caesar's investigation of the Nile). In this context, I have also considered Cato's Libyan adventures, from the intervening Book Nine. Both Pompey and Caesar discover that escape through either method is impossible, for the fabled Egyptian Shangri-La is now embroiled in the political, social, and economic crisis of the outside world, while not only the natural universe but even the very act of inquiry into nature are alike contaminated by the ethos of civil war. The virtuous Cato, on the other hand, does not even make the attempt, maintaining a single-minded focus on his civic duties. By revealing such escape to be both immoral (through Cato's example) and impossible (through the examples of Pompey and Caesar), Lucan signals his decisive rejection of the escapist predilections of many of his contemporaries (including his uncle Seneca and his own father Annaeus Mela), who tried to distance themselves from the vicissitudes of political life under the later Julio-Claudians through retirement into a state of philosophical otium.

This dissertation seeks to demonstrate Lucan's profound engagement and conflict with two ancient intellectual and literary traditions that can both be regarded as escapist, that is, as promising or postulating a sanctuary (whether physical or spiritual) from the world's troubles, and that were both active in Lucan's own day: utopian writing about science, exemplified in Latin by Lucan's uncle Seneca the Younger, as well as by the astronomical poet Manilius, and utopian Egyptology, as reflected in a wide variety of texts ranging from Herodotus, through Diodorus Siculus, to Lucan's contemporary, the Alexandrian polymath Chaeremon. To this end, I have examined two closely related sequences in the De Bello Civili that have received little attention from scholars of Lucan, namely Pompey's journey to Egypt in Book Eight and Caesar's Egyptian sojourn in Book Ten, during which Lucan's two main characters are each shown attempting to take refuge from the poem's ubiquitous violence through the double avenue of travel to Egypt (to which the defeated Pompey flees, and where his pursuer Caesar hopes to leave the civil war behind) and the practice of natural science (with Pompey's astronomical inquiry and Caesar's investigation of the Nile). In this context, I have also considered Cato's Libyan adventures, from the intervening Book Nine. Both Pompey and Caesar discover that escape through either method is impossible, for the fabled Egyptian Shangri-La is now embroiled in the political, social, and economic crisis of the outside world, while not only the natural universe but even the very act of inquiry into nature are alike contaminated by the ethos of civil war. The virtuous Cato, on the other hand, does not even make the attempt, maintaining a single-minded focus on his civic duties. By revealing such escape to be both immoral (through Cato's example) and impossible (through the examples of Pompey and Caesar), Lucan signals his decisive rejection of the escapist predilections of many of his contemporaries (including his uncle Seneca and his own father Annaeus Mela), who tried to distance themselves from the vicissitudes of political life under the later Julio-Claudians through retirement into a state of philosophical otium.

Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of St Andrews, September 2008.

Habilitationsschrift. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [309]-334) and index.

Gaius Julius Caesar is not only the most well-known figure in Roman history, but he is also one of the most difficult to understand. Since his assassination, Caesar has played an important role in discussions of political power, imperial government, tyranny, and tyrannicide. While there have been literary treatments of Caesar from William Shakespeare to the present, little has been done to trace the image of Caesar through the Middle Ages and into the Renaissance. The present work attempts to fill that hole by examining portrayals of Caesar in medieval and early Renaissance texts. An examination of specific authors such as Geoffrey of Monmouth, John of Salisbury, Thomas Aquinas, Dante, Petrarch, Salutati, and Bruni, clearly demonstrates that Caesar was consistently portrayed as the first emperor and used to represent the Roman Empire. As the first emperor, representations of Caesar figured significantly in debates about the power of the Church and the Empire, the benefits and downfalls of imperial government, and tyrannicide. Authors were influenced in their portrayals of Caesar by the classical portrayals found in the works of Vergil, Lucan, and Suetonius. Each author's interpretation of Caesar was also impacted by the political and intellectual milieu in which he flourished. Analysis of Caesar's image over this time period serves not only as a part of Caesar historiography, but also provides insight into the ways that scholars write history to understand the world around them.

No description available.

Fondée sur la polysémie du terme latin uates, notre thèse se propose d’étudier les rapports entre poésie et prophétie dans la Pharsale de Lucain. Depuis l’Antiquité, le prophète est à la fois celui qui annonce l’avenir et celui qui parle au nom d’un tiers, souvent d’un dieu. D’abord, nous proposons une typologie des figures de prophètes dans la Pharsale en les comparant avec les prophètes de la tradition littéraire, en particulier issue de l’épopée et de la tragédie. Trois types de prophètes apparaissent chez Lucain : les prophètes omniscients, les prophètes utilisant une discipline divinatoire (astrologie, haruspicine, enthousiasme…) et les prophètes doués d’une inspiration infernale. Ensuite, la parole prophétique des personnages est comparée à celle, oraculaire, du narrateur épique. Nous proposons une étude des prolepses narratives de l’épopée en lien avec l’histoire de Rome, et en particulier avec l’histoire des guerres civiles. Ainsi, Lucain construit une vision cyclique de l’histoire. Après avoir défini la matière prophétique dans la parole du narrateur, nous analysons son style prophétique du point du vue narratologique et stylistique. Enfin, nous passons d’une poétique à une métapoétique de la prophétie chez Lucain. En effet, les personnages de prophètes constituent des mandataires du poète dont ils sont les porte-voix, au sens étymologique de prophète. Les prophètes lucaniens sont donc chargés de délivrer un Art poétique, conformément à la vision du monde de l’auteur. Cette dernière se traduit par une esthétique de la rupture qui s’applique au macrocosme céleste, au microcosme organique et à l’hexamètre épique. / Starting from the double meaning of the latin word uates, this study aims to define the links between poetry and prophecy in Lucan’s Pharsalia. Since Antiquity indeed, the prophet has been both a soothsayer and a person speaking for somebody else, especially for a god. First, we build a typology of the prophetic figures in the Pharsalia and we compare them with literary characters from epic and tragedy. Lucan conjures three kinds of prophets : omniscient ones, prophets who use divinatory technics (e.g. astrology, haruspicy, enthusiasm) and those whose inspiration comes from the Underworld. We then look at the prophetic speeches delivered by the characters against the oracular voice of the epic narrator. We study narrative prolepses of the epic that anticipate Roman history (especially the history of the Civil Wars), and through which Lucan offers a cyclical vision of history. After defining the prophetic matter of the narrative voice, we analyse Lucan’s prophetic manner from a narratological and a stylistic perspective. Lastly, we switch from a poetic definition of prophetic voices in the Pharsalia to a metapoetic study. The prophet characters indeed serve as surrogates of the poet and literally utter his voice, thus referring to the etymology of the word. The role of Lucan’s prophets is therefore to formulate an Ars poetica, in accordance with the poet’s Weltanschauung – a vision articulated by an aesthetics of disruption which encapsulates the celestial macrocosm, the organic microcosm and the epic hexameter.

In this doctoral dissertation I seek to reassess the innovativeness of the young Corduban poet Lucan’s masterpiece, the Civil War. Faced with the abrupt closure of Lucan’s poem 546 lines into Book 10, I adopt the view propounded by Haffter, Masters and Tracy, that what most have taken as incompletion brought on by the poet’s premature death in 65 CE is in fact a deliberate artistic decision. I then argue back from this view and reread several key features of the poem as manifestations of the same deliberate bodily incompleteness, the same sudden mutilation of a voice that the ending of the poem as we have it presents. My dissertation consists of two macro-sections, one on the structural and thematic characteristics of Lucan’s Civil War, and one on the characterization of the two antagonists most actively involved in the conflict: Julius Caesar, himself the author of an incomplete prose account of the very civil war that Lucan chooses to focus on; and Pompey the Great, a broken man whose mangled body reproduces at the microcosmic level the lack of finish exhibited by the textual body of the poem itself.