Thèse--Faculté des lettres--Lausanne--Université, 1997. / Bibliogr. p. 315-327. Index.

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Faculté de droit--Fribourg. / Bibliogr. p. 213-237.

Texte remanié: Thèse de doctorat--Philosophie--Université de Caen, 2000.

Diss. : Rechts- und Wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Fakultät : Bern : 1980. - Paraît également comme vol. 37 de la coll. : " Berner Beiträge zur Nationalökonomie ". - Bibliogr. p. 201-209. -

Texte remanié de: Th. doct. / Bibliogr. p. 421-441. Index.

L'objectif de notre étude sur le concept de «civil» dans la pensée de Montesquieu consiste à établir, dans un premier temps, le contexte dans lequel, après Adam Smith en particulier, et dans le cadre du processus de la séparation des sciences économiques et des sciences juridiques, le domaine du «civil», plus tard désigné comme «société civile», devient l'objet des sciences économiques, et, en second lieu, à voir comment, en même temps, cette notion de «civil» perd la connotation de «société politique et juridique» (c'est-à-dire « civitas »). Pour aborder cette question, nous nous intéressons tout d'abord à l'accroissement de l'intérêt pour l'histoire de I'Antiquité romaine qui connaît un renouveau avec l'humanisme en Europe. Les interprétations portant sur l'histoire romaine reflètent les intérêts des intellectuels aux prises avec leur propre société contemporaine, et la diversité de ces interprétations nous permet de retracer l'évolution des moyens analytiques employés pour penser la société en général. Dans cette perspective, nous étudions Montesquieu en référence à Machiavel qui a vécu à une période cruciale dans le Nord de l'Italie entre la fin du 15e et le 16e siècle, puis, à Harrington qui a vécu à l'époque de la 1ère révolution anglaise au milieu du 17e siècle et, finalement, à David Hume qui a défendu le régime établi après la Glorieuse révolution en 1688. À partir de ces analyses, nous rendront compte des causes de l'évolution des sciences sociales au cours de ces siècles, qui constituent la période historique dans laquelle s'est établi graduellement le système étatique moderne. / The objective of our study on the concept of "civil" in the thought of Montesquieu consists at first in presenting the context in which, especially after Adam Smith, and in the process of the separation of economical sciences from legal sciences, the sphere of the "civil", la ter called "civil society", becomes the object of economical sciences, and second, in understanding how, at the same time, the notion of "civil" lost the connotation of "political and legal society", that is "civitas". To approach this question, our first concern focuses on the increasing interest on R.oman antiquity which begin as renewal in huamnist thought in Europe. lntepretations of Roman history actually reflect the interests of intellectuals preoccupied with their own contemporary society. Nonetheless the divcrsity of these interpretations helps to understand the evolution of the analytical means used to analyse the society in general. ln this perspective, we compare Montesquieu with Machiavelli who lived in an incisive period in North of ltaly in the 15th, and the begging of the 16th, century, along with Harrington who lived in the time of the Civil War in England in the middle of the 17th century and, fïnally, with David Hume who defended the govemement established after the Glorious Revolution in 1688. From these analyses, we show the causes of the progressive sophistication of the social sciences matching the historical period during which the modern state system has gradually been established.

Cette thèse se concentre sur l’ensemble du carteggio diplomatique machiavélien : les lettres administratives (ou écrits de gouvernement) envoyées depuis Florence, et celles que Machiavel rédige lors de ses missions à l’extérieur de la cité. Cette correspondance témoigne des pratiques culturelles de l'écriture et de toutes les transformations sociolinguistiques qu'elles recouvrent en amont. La dimension pratique d'une telle correspondance, comme usage, comme application concrète, est double : d’un côté, la rédaction de lettres mais aussi d'écrits de gouvernement qui participent d'une même « mécanique institutionnelle » ; de l’autre, leur archivage, à savoir les processus socio-culturels qui fondent la volonté de conserver ces traces et ces formes de mémoire publique. La méthodologie adoptée pour exploiter le corpus des Legazioni, des Commissarie et des Scritti di governo relève d’une association entre les méthodes traditionnelles de la philologie et les techniques de l’informatique (Humanités Numériques et de Digital Studies) : c’est au croisement de ces champs disciplinaire que j’ai conçu la modélisation d’un logiciel d’analyse de mon corpus (Machiato).Nous avons cherché à expliciter la thèse de la précarité du politique selon trois thématiques : l’analyse des bouleversements induits par la multiplication des conflits ; les conséquences des guerres sur la conception du Stato comme sur les pratiques et enfin, la multiplication et la confusion des temporalités propres au monde politique.Les acteurs se voient contraints de réduire les temps de spéculation et de théorisation politiques afin de parer à l’état d’urgence, un état de guerre permanent et nouveau. Les LCSG permettent d’assister à la construction du regard machiavélien et plus précisément, aux différentes tentatives de fonder la pratique en incluant la précarité, non pas comme source de désorientation mais comme spécificité de l’agir en politique. / This thesis focuses on the entire Machiavellian diplomatic carteggio (Legazioni, Commissarie, Scritti di governo). This correspondence reflects cultural practices of writing and all the sociolinguistic transformations they cover. The methodology is a combination between traditional philological methods and computer technology (Digital Humanities and Digital Studies): it is the intersection of these disciplinary fields I have conceived a software to analyze my corpus (Machiato). The argument of the the political instability has been developed in three stages: analyzing the upheavals triggered by the proliferation of conflicts; the impact of war on the conception of Stato as on practices and finally, multiplication and confusion of temporalities of the political world. Individuals are forced to reduce the time of speculation and theorizing to respond to the state of emergency, a state of permanent war. The LCSG allow to identify the steps in the construction of the Machiavellian perspective and more specifically, the various attempts to found the practice including insecurity, not as a source of disorientation but as specificity of action in politics.

O objetivo dessa tese é analisar a corrupção republicana em Maquiavel, particularmente nos primeiros dezoito capítulos do livro I dos Discursos sobre a primeira década de Tito Lívio (também conhecido como o \"Pequeno tratado sobre as repúblicas\"), procurando conhecer sua natureza, características, o processo pela qual é engendrada e qual o desfecho possível para a república \"corrompidíssima\". A corrupção republicana, exposta nos capítulos de XVI a XVIII, é precedida por uma exposição sobre os fundamentos políticos republicanos, alvos dessa corrupção política. A conclusão a que se chega é que, nesses capítulos, a corrupção pode atingir um grau máximo obrigando a uma mudança de regime, cuja melhor solução é o governo \"quase régio\", representado pelo principado civil descrito no Príncipe, por manter e conservar a dinâmica dos conflitos políticos, motor para as mudanças e responsável pela conservação dos ordenamentos políticos que garantem as liberdades políticas. / This work intends to investigate the corruption of the republic in Machiavelli, focusing the first eighteenth chapters of the first book of Discourse concerning the First Decade of Titus Livius, looking for its nature, most relevant characteristics, the process it comes to be, and the end of corrupted republic. Along the chapters XVI to XVIII, the notion of corruption is preceded by an exposition on the political principles of the republic. Also, inside this small group of chapter, Machiavelli states that the corruption can achieve the highest level, demanding an alteration of the regime. In such a case, the best solution is a virtually regal government, represented by the civil principate, as described in the Prince. That occur because such civil principate is the best way to keep the dynamics of the political conflicts, the cause of change or conservation of political order and political freedom.

Reproduction de : Thèse de doctorat : Philosophie : Lyon 3 : 2006. / Titre provenant de l'écran-titre. Bibliogr. f. 517-528.

O objetivo dessa tese é analisar a corrupção republicana em Maquiavel, particularmente nos primeiros dezoito capítulos do livro I dos Discursos sobre a primeira década de Tito Lívio (também conhecido como o \"Pequeno tratado sobre as repúblicas\"), procurando conhecer sua natureza, características, o processo pela qual é engendrada e qual o desfecho possível para a república \"corrompidíssima\". A corrupção republicana, exposta nos capítulos de XVI a XVIII, é precedida por uma exposição sobre os fundamentos políticos republicanos, alvos dessa corrupção política. A conclusão a que se chega é que, nesses capítulos, a corrupção pode atingir um grau máximo obrigando a uma mudança de regime, cuja melhor solução é o governo \"quase régio\", representado pelo principado civil descrito no Príncipe, por manter e conservar a dinâmica dos conflitos políticos, motor para as mudanças e responsável pela conservação dos ordenamentos políticos que garantem as liberdades políticas. / This work intends to investigate the corruption of the republic in Machiavelli, focusing the first eighteenth chapters of the first book of Discourse concerning the First Decade of Titus Livius, looking for its nature, most relevant characteristics, the process it comes to be, and the end of corrupted republic. Along the chapters XVI to XVIII, the notion of corruption is preceded by an exposition on the political principles of the republic. Also, inside this small group of chapter, Machiavelli states that the corruption can achieve the highest level, demanding an alteration of the regime. In such a case, the best solution is a virtually regal government, represented by the civil principate, as described in the Prince. That occur because such civil principate is the best way to keep the dynamics of the political conflicts, the cause of change or conservation of political order and political freedom.