Summary: In the period 1800-1935, the origins of the Ratana Movement are to be found in the adjustment of the Maori people to their changing social and economic enviroment. The communal Maori was deprived, during the nineteenth century, of his tribal structure, his lands, his religious faith and his mana or self-respect. This occurred in four stages: acceptance of a new faith and new techniques, distrust and war, desperation which produced a series of rectionary cults, and finally apathetic resignation to eventual extinction of the race. From the degenerate Maori situation at the turn of the century there grew �the Maori renaissance� which was prepared for by the ideas of the educated leaders, created by a general social movement and effected by means of legislation which was demanded by the morehu or common people. The latter did not follow the educated leaders but were given a channel of expression in the Ratana movement which was an important factor in the Maori revival.

For the proper study of any aspect of Maori life - enthnological, economic, or historical - a preliminary census of Maori population would appear to be essential. Preliminary surveys of population-movements do, in fact, appear in the introduction to a number of recent books on primitive peoples. But only one such survey of any New Zealand area has yet appeared - Miss E. Durward�s paper on the Maori population of Otago. (1) How completely the need for accurate estimates of Maori population has been lost sight of its demonstrated by the appearance in August 1940, and of The Maori of To-day, edited by Professor I. L. G. Sutherland, in which no independant study of Maori population is made, though the editor quotes Dr. Buck�s estimate of from 200,000 to 500,000 for the pre-European population (2) while Harold Miller quotes Colenso�s estimate of 60,000 killed in inter-tribal wars between 1820 and 1837, and Roger Duff places the pre-European South Island native population at from eight to ten thousand. (3). These figures will be discussed later, but it can be said here that all three are guess work. Further, it is of interest to note that Miss Durward�s paper is not mentioned by any contributor. This paper aims at defining the numbers and location of the Maori communities which inhabited the South Island of New Zealand from the era which saw the arrival of the Waitaha (1) up to the year 1940. It attempts to re-construct population history through this period and to describe the situation at the present time--Introduction.

Summary: Since the glorious days of Queen Elizabeth the name of the County of Devon has been connected in men�s minds wth English colonial expansion. Sir. Humphrey Gilbert, Sir Walter Raleigh, Grenville, Drake, Hawkins-these were the men with whom colonization from England originated. During the reign of King James 1 a Plymouth Company had traded extensively with America; and so, when about the year 1840 projects for the settlements of the lands of the South Pacific were so much discussed it was hoped that, if the energy and zeal which had prompted the efforts of the great-searovers of the Elizabethian era were still to be found among their descendants, then the old Plymouth Company might rise again with renewed vigour to grace the pages of future Australasian history with names then connected with the brightest annals of the Mother Country.

Summary: Waikouaiti is a small village and seaside resort thirty-two miles north of Dunedin. One mile from the township is the beautiful beach stretching for three miles from the headland of Matanaka in the north to the Merton River at the southern extremity. No one who walks the beach at the present time would realise that this was the scene of a seige during the Maori Wars in the South Island, or that the beach and the banks of the Merton River was the site of a whaling station from 1835 to 1845. What is now called Waikouaiti is not the Waikouaiti of early days, which was the name given to the whaling station at the mouth of the Waikouaiti River. The name of the river has also been changed to the Merton River. The word Waikouaiti has been spelt in various ways. Some maintain it should be Wai-kau-iti (water become little) or Wai-ko-wai-iti (water, the end of the little stream). Tamati Parata, an old chief at Puketeraki, near Waikouaiti considers that Waikouaiti (properly Waikowai-iti) means the end (Ko) of the water or stream (wai iti running into water or sea (wai). The name Merton is now given to this locality at the mouth of the little stream, now the Merton River. The present spelling Waikouaiti was fixed in 1843, but before that date it was spelt Whikowhiti, Whykowite, Waikoaite, Whykowat, Waikooti, Waikowaiti, and Whycauity.

Summary: My excuse for attempting this thesis is firstly, that I am a graduate in medicine of the University of New Zealand and secondly, that my mother was a Maori. It seems to me that with a young university such as that of New Zealand, without the facilities for research work provided by older and richer homes of learning, the scope for original work, which it is the duty of every University to encourage and foster, is somewhat limited. In the philology, history and ethnology of the Polynesian Race, however, is provided a wide field for research work which it is the bounden duty of this University to explore and lead the way. As an obligation to my �alma mater� I take up the subject nearest to my family - medicine amongst the Maoris, in ancient and modern times. As another reason, I have the honour through my mother of belonging to the Maori race. As a result of four years work amongst them as an officer of Health, I am much struck by the different view-point with which the two races, European and Maori, approach the subject of disease. As a member of the Race I am perhaps enabled to understand my mother�s people more intimately than the more progressive but some what forgetful Anglo-Saxon. My experience of Maori ideas and customs dates from beyond the time of graduation in medicine. In childhood�s days, I experienced the bitter taste of the decoction prepared from phorium tenex and I heard around me the whispered diagnosis of �makutu� and �mate Maori�. Constantly throughout youth and early manhood, I have seen the European doctor wax impatient with what he terms prejudices or superstitions which retard or prevent the recovery of Maori patients. I have understood and sympathised with him. At the same time, with the priveledge of the half-breed inheriting the blood and ideas of both races I have been able to detach myself from European thought and look at the question of disease from my Maori countryman�s viewpoint. I understood the burden of the neolithic man�s fears and I symathise with him more deeply still. There are deep holes in the Urenui river which flows through our tribal territory wherein, so my Maori mother taught me, dwelt �taniwhas� or �dragons of slime� who destroyed the transgressor of the multitude of Maori laws and observances. Years of College and University education, combined with the unbelief inherited from a European father, have not been able to suppress the involuntary shudder and contraction of the erector pilae which the suggestion of bathing in those dark holes gives rise to. We inherit our fears in our blood, we imbibe them at our mother�s breast. The schools and teaching of a father appeal to us as we grow older. We subject customs and faiths to the light of comparative criticism and we ridicule the ideas of more primitive races as absurd. But in times of stress, despondency and lowered vitality, there is a tendency to revert to the mother�s fears which slumber within beneath the veneer of civilisation. How much more so in the case of the full Maori who has not had the advantage of even primary education! Clodd says, "In structure and inherited tendencies each of us is recent". The Maori has not been civilised for a century yet. As a duty to my kin, I have attempted to put on record their view of disease, in the hope that though anthropologist�s and others have done so much in collecting the ideas and customs of races on a lower culture stage, this thesis may serve as a small contribution to ethnology.

The focus of this thesis is to visually show the significance and relationship between the use of natural materials, and geometric patterns used in Māori weaving. The patterns will reflect indigenous episteme of artistic and tacit knowledge. These patterns are significant to the Māori worldview of kaitiakitanga (stewardship of knowledge), which is cognisant in the ontology of Māori weaving. These patterns are significant forms of Māori cultural symbols that reflect elements of nature, evolution of time and space. The focus is to show how natural materials can be utilised in an art form that embraces bicultural activity, as a reference to customary and new age methods of thinking and practice. This leads to self-enquiry and our own responsibilities, only to ask ourselves; What are the guiding principles within art and design, that upholds the core values of Mātauranga Māori? (Māori epistemological thinking). The concept of this thesis is to define the cultural significance of kaitiakitanga (stewardship), through the preservation of Mātauranga Māori and practice as weavers and artists. This concept challenges our own understanding of what we know and what we don’t know about the relationships between people, place, environment and use. The methods and processes used for this work will be based on customary practices and methods, using native materials, endemic to New Zealand. These materials will be harvested at different time periods. The methodologies used in this project, is a product of intrinsic knowledge and testing new boundaries, through researching more specific detail about varieties of harakeke (New Zealand flax) cultivars, testing the flexibility, functionality and durability of materials. This will challenge the test, of making sure that the methods used will be significantly practiced throughout the processes involved in the making of artistic pieces of work, in accordance to tikanga (protocols). The use of native materials enhances cultural values of kaitiakitanga as a metaphor, which asserts sustainability of Māori epistemological notions of practice and meaning.This also applies to the visual language of Māori. The concept of visual language embraces metaphoric meanings and understanding, which relates to our co-existence with the earth, animals and the elements. All these elements of nature are contained within symbolic traditional patterns. Some of these patterns have derived from phenomena of thought structure, historical events and our co-existence through our connectedness to the land, waters, oceans, sky and universe. How can Māori forms of art be embraced and imbued, in modern society, that signifies place, belonging and cultural enhancement?

The current state of Aboriginal health is of national concern. Aboriginal people as a population do not have the same level of health as other Canadians. There has been a long history of providing health care based on Eurocentric (Western) ideology that has not taken into account Aboriginal peoples perspective. There is limited research to provide insight toward understanding how Aboriginal people understand, define, and address their health concerns. <p> This study used the Kaupapa Maori Philosophy/Methodology to define health from a Plains Cree (Indigenous) perspective. A qualitative descriptive research study was done in Thunderchild First Nation. A combination of purposeful and convenience snowball sampling was utilized to select 14 participants to reach saturation. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with eleven open-ended questions to facilitate elaborations during the interviews. Thematic analysis was used to analyze the data, and then the data was categorized using the Medicine Wheel. <p>Four broad themes were derived from the data. Health was consistently described in relation to physical, emotional, intellectual (mental), and spiritual wellness. Collectively there does appear to be a holistic perception of health, similar to the teachings from the Medicine Wheel. Half of the participants described health from a holistic perspective and half described health using two of the four components of the Medicine Wheel: physical, emotional, intellectual (mental), and spiritual wellness. Pursuing and maintaining health included a combination of information and practices from both the Western and Traditional Indigenous world. Further collaboration and research is necessary to determine if the findings are similar among other Aboriginal Peoples in Saskatchewan.

The current state of Aboriginal health is of national concern. Aboriginal people as a population do not have the same level of health as other Canadians. There has been a long history of providing health care based on Eurocentric (Western) ideology that has not taken into account Aboriginal peoples perspective. There is limited research to provide insight toward understanding how Aboriginal people understand, define, and address their health concerns. <p> This study used the Kaupapa Maori Philosophy/Methodology to define health from a Plains Cree (Indigenous) perspective. A qualitative descriptive research study was done in Thunderchild First Nation. A combination of purposeful and convenience snowball sampling was utilized to select 14 participants to reach saturation. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with eleven open-ended questions to facilitate elaborations during the interviews. Thematic analysis was used to analyze the data, and then the data was categorized using the Medicine Wheel. <p>Four broad themes were derived from the data. Health was consistently described in relation to physical, emotional, intellectual (mental), and spiritual wellness. Collectively there does appear to be a holistic perception of health, similar to the teachings from the Medicine Wheel. Half of the participants described health from a holistic perspective and half described health using two of the four components of the Medicine Wheel: physical, emotional, intellectual (mental), and spiritual wellness. Pursuing and maintaining health included a combination of information and practices from both the Western and Traditional Indigenous world. Further collaboration and research is necessary to determine if the findings are similar among other Aboriginal Peoples in Saskatchewan.

Dissertation (MHSc--Health Science) -- AUT University, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references. Also held in print (70 leaves ; 30 cm.) in North Shore Campus Theses Collection (T 616.8914 WOO)

The main goal of this work is to understand the role that tapu (the sacred) had in ordering Maori gender relations, and set this role into a wider social context, through an investigation of early documentary sources. Particular attention is given to the distinctions Maori made between rangatira (chiefly persons), tutua (the low-born) and taurekareka (slaves). Early nineteenth-century descriptions of funerary rites and rites of welcome are analysed to shed light on Maori constructions of gender and their relation to religion, rank and ritual. Maori ideas about sexual reproduction, abortions and the menses are also investigated. A selection of sources describing the tapu prohibitions and ceremonial surrounding childbirth and children are also discussed. Various religious roles in Maori society are surveyed, giving particular attention to women's religious and ritual activities, and their interpretation. Western representations of Maori slaves and women in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are also investigated.