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Thesis (M.A.(Politieke Beleidstudies))--Universiteit van Pretoria, 2003. / Summary in English and Afrikaans. Includes bibliographical references. Available on the Internet via the World Wide Web.

South Africa has been considered a bastion of democracy on the continent of Africa since its first fully democratic election in 1994. Yet, under its second president since apartheid, Thabo Mbeki, the consolidation of South Africas democratic gains tended to slow or even stagnate. This thesis develops a theoretical backdrop by explaining competing theories of leadership and development in Africa. With Thabo Mbekis promotion of the African Renaissance he should be considered to of promoted a good governance model of growth and leadership within South Africa. To determine whether Mbeki actively followed through in implementing good governance practices as leader of South Africa and the ANC this thesis analyzes three aspects of the African National Congress (ANC): centralization, corruption and the 2007 leadership succession. Through this analysis of these three aspects of the ANC under Mbeki the thesis moves to determine whether the former president should be considered to have cultivated a good governance regime while in office or whether his leadership of South Africa embraced more neopatrimonial logic.<p> This study finds that under Mbeki neopatrimonialism expanded significantly, particularly within the ruling ANC, and can to a certain extent be used to explained Mbekis actions while president of South Africa. Despite actively promoting a good governance agenda this thesis argues that Mbeki contributed to the stagnation of democratic gains in South Africa. This legacy will continue to effect future South African leaders including Mbekis arch-rival Jacob Zuma.

South Africa has been considered a bastion of democracy on the continent of Africa since its first fully democratic election in 1994. Yet, under its second president since apartheid, Thabo Mbeki, the consolidation of South Africas democratic gains tended to slow or even stagnate. This thesis develops a theoretical backdrop by explaining competing theories of leadership and development in Africa. With Thabo Mbekis promotion of the African Renaissance he should be considered to of promoted a good governance model of growth and leadership within South Africa. To determine whether Mbeki actively followed through in implementing good governance practices as leader of South Africa and the ANC this thesis analyzes three aspects of the African National Congress (ANC): centralization, corruption and the 2007 leadership succession. Through this analysis of these three aspects of the ANC under Mbeki the thesis moves to determine whether the former president should be considered to have cultivated a good governance regime while in office or whether his leadership of South Africa embraced more neopatrimonial logic.<p> This study finds that under Mbeki neopatrimonialism expanded significantly, particularly within the ruling ANC, and can to a certain extent be used to explained Mbekis actions while president of South Africa. Despite actively promoting a good governance agenda this thesis argues that Mbeki contributed to the stagnation of democratic gains in South Africa. This legacy will continue to effect future South African leaders including Mbekis arch-rival Jacob Zuma.

Master-Arbeit Univ. St. Gallen, 2007.

The concern of this study is "locating the African Renaissance in development discourse: a critical study" and aims to investigate how the South African President Thabo Mbeki has conceptualized the African Renaissance. Through this the author has discovered the meaning of Mbeki's African Renaissance discourse with regard to its context in African development and how it is located in historical conceptions of development in Africa. Through this what innovation to development in Africa is presented by the discourse of the African Renaissance has been identified. Therefore this study is based primarily on an extensive literature research on conception of development and the African Renaissance. In comparison with other discourses on development, the study finds that Mbeki's African Renaissance discourse has been inspired by Pan-Africanist discourses such as self-reliance and African regeneration combined with dominant political and economic discourses such as globalization, good governance, structural adjustment and democracy. The study finds that the great contribution of Mbeki's African Renaissance is to call again on the Africans to realize their self-rediscovery and to restore the African's self esteem without which Africans will never become equipped for African development. However Mbeki stops short of attempting to suggest practical strategies to do so. The study finds that Mbeki' s Arican Renaissance discourse is moralistic and can no longer challenge global economic inequalities. / Thesis (M.A.)- University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

Thesis (MBA.) --University of Limpopo, 2019 / The mining industry plays a positive strategic role in the South African economy. However, this industry is plagued by many socio-economic challenges. It continues to face an uncertain future due to, amongst other factors, the escalating overhead mining costs, labour protests and community unrests. Among these challenges, dissatisfied and disgruntled mining communities remain the most unmitigated threat to the sustainability of mining worldwide. Mining companies continue to be under immense pressure to effectively address the socio-economic needs of communities affected by their operations. The increased levels of poverty and unemployment have resulted in the relationship between host communities and mining companies being increasingly strained. Their relationship is characterised by deep resentment, suspicion and mistrust. The tension stems from the fact that despite mining companies being present and operating in their areas, host communities are not benefiting meaningfully from the mining activities. The study seeks to examine host communities’ perceptions about mining companies operating within Govan Mbeki Local Municipality, Mpumalanga Province. The study employed the qualitative research method and endeavoured to obtain first hand evidence or lived experiences narrated by host communities. The researcher used purposive sampling to choose the respondents who were deemed to possess intimate knowledge and the history of the state of relations between host communities and mining companies operating within Govan Mbeki municipal area. This paper reports the findings of a study undertaken to assess the socioeconomic impact of mining activities and the communities’ perceptions on these activities within Govan Mbeki Local Municipality, Mpumalanga Province. Mining companies are perceived as the main contributors to social, environmental, health and infrastructure destruction. In addition to sampling community perceptions on mining activities, the study prescribes interventions that can assist in mitigating the negative perceptions of mining companies

Thesis (MBA.) -- University of Limpopo, 2019 / The mining industry plays a positive strategic role in the South African economy. However, this industry is plagued by many socio-economic challenges. It continues to face an uncertain future due to, amongst other factors, the escalating overhead mining costs, labour protests and community unrests. Among these challenges, dissatisfied and disgruntled mining communities remain the most unmitigated threat to the sustainability of mining worldwide. Mining companies continue to be under immense pressure to effectively address the socio-economic needs of communities affected by their operations. The increased levels of poverty and unemployment have resulted in the relationship between host communities and mining companies being increasingly strained. Their relationship is characterised by deep resentment, suspicion and mistrust. The tension stems from the fact that despite mining companies being present and operating in their areas, host communities are not benefiting meaningfully from the mining activities. The study seeks to examine host communities’ perceptions about mining companies operating within Govan Mbeki Local Municipality, Mpumalanga Province. The study employed the qualitative research method and endeavoured to obtain first hand evidence or lived experiences narrated by host communities. The researcher used purposive sampling to choose the respondents who were deemed to possess intimate knowledge and the history of the state of relations between host communities and mining companies operating within Govan Mbeki municipal area. This paper reports the findings of a study undertaken to assess the socioeconomic impact of mining activities and the communities’ perceptions on these activities within Govan Mbeki Local Municipality, Mpumalanga Province. Mining companies are perceived as the main contributors to social, environmental, health and infrastructure destruction. In addition to sampling community perceptions on mining activities, the study prescribes interventions that can assist in mitigating the negative perceptions of mining companies

South African foreign policy is not made in a bubble; as a democracy since 1994, its outward orientation is theoretically subject to lobbying and pressure from outside groups as well as jockeying among bureaucratic entities. This study applies the principles of Foreign Policy Analysis, a theoretical framework that attempts to unpack the processes through which governments’ foreign policies are made, to South Africa to determine whether foreign policy making is in reality open to outside inputs, or whether the foreign policy arena—as in many countries globally—is an elite reserve. The thesis has a specific focus on the 1994-2008 period, during which time Deputy President (1994-99) and later President (1999-2008) Thabo Mbeki dominated government’s foreign policy formulation, to determine whether South Africa’s democratic transition was accompanied by “democratization” of the foreign policy making process compared to the apartheid government. In addition, the thesis sought to disaggregate the various actors involved in the process—both from the influencing and decision making sides of the coin—to analyze their individual roles in influencing foreign policy, both pre- and post-1994. The thesis found that the dominant actor in South African foreign policy, both before and after 1994, was the national leader (Prime Minister before 1984; President thereafter) or, on occasion, his chosen delegate if the leader was disinterested in the external realm. This is in part because South African Constitutions vest most decision-making power in the executive, in line with international norms, but also due to a lack of pressure by non-governmental actors. While South Africa’s post-apartheid dispensation allows for greater inputs by the public and other outside actors, the practice of influencing foreign policy—either through the ballot box or through concerted pressure between elections—changed very little. Public engagement on foreign policy, already weak, did not improve after 1994. Parliament, despite having a dedicated committee on the issue, showed itself largely disinterested, as did the broader ANC. The press, business, the ANC, and most civil society organizations similarly showed little desire to weigh in on foreign policy beyond isolated instances. Only academia consistently attempted to influence policy during the Mandela and Mbeki administrations, with mixed results. Ultimately, blame for this lack of change appears to lie mostly with outside actors themselves, who during the first 14 years of democracy failed to take advantage of political space opened to them. In examining Thabo Mbeki specifically, the thesis found that he took advantage of this leeway to dominate the foreign policy debate and rarely went out of his way to open the foreign policy debate any more than he had to. He gave short shrift to the inputs of pressure groups; had no time for the press or business; and dominated the ANC and its parliamentary caucus. Mbeki had a clear and well-defined worldview, and he had little time for people or organizations with decidedly different views. That said, those close to Mbeki, and even outsiders—notably from the academic community—paint a far more nuanced picture of the man, as someone who would listen and engage with others on foreign policy, at least if he believed they had done their homework on the issues in question. Hence, portrayals of Mbeki as a “dictator” in the foreign policy realm appear to be overstated. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Politics)

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / After 1994, South African foreign policymakers faced the challenge of reintegrating a country, isolated for many years as a result of the previous government’s apartheid policies, into the international system. In the process of transforming South Africa's foreign identity from a pariah state to a respected international player, some commentators contend that presidents Mandela and Mbeki were informed by two contrasting theories of International Relations (IR), namely, idealism and realism, respectively. In light of the above-stated popular assumptions and interpretations of the foreign policies of Presidents Mandela and Mbeki, this study is motivated by the primary aim to investigate the classification of their foreign policy within the broader framework of IR theory. This is done by sketching a brief overview of the IR theories of idealism, realism and constructivism, followed by an analysis of the foreign policies of these two statesmen in order to identify some of the principles that underpin them. Two case studies – Mandela's response to the ‘two Chinas’ question and Mbeki's policy of ‘quiet diplomacy’ towards Zimbabwe – are employed to highlight apparent irregularities with the two leaders’ perceived general foreign policy thrusts. It takes the form of a comparative study, and is conducted within the qualitative paradigm, with research based on secondary sources. The findings show that, although the overarching foreign policy principles of these two former presidents can largely be understood on the basis of particular theoretical approaches, they neither acted consistently according to the assumptions of idealism or realism that are ascribed to them. The conclusion drawn is thus that categorising the foreign policies of presidents Mandela and Mbeki as idealist and realist, respectively, results in a simplistic understanding of the perspectives that inform these two statesmen, as well as the complexity of factors involved in foreign policymaking. More significantly, it is unhelpful in developing a better understanding of South Africa's foreign policy in the post-1994 period.