This thesis reflects on how to develop an African leadership that can contribute to the effective transformation of the African continent. After analysing the concept of leadership and categorising it for better understanding, the mission of the church as a developer of leaders par excellence has been examined and its potentials and limits assessed. Then, the thesis studied the specific extent of poor African leadership and its dire socio-political consequences in a sub-Saharan African country; so, the context of DR Congo was analysed. After that the contribution of the notion of African Renaissance to the whole debate of leadership development in Africa was assessed and the social, economic and political climate of the continent analysed. The poor and deficient African leadership has been identified as the main cause of rampant conflicts and wars, a slow economic development and lack of transformation in the continent. Given that church leadership seemed so poor and inefficient, the thesis has recommended that the African church needed primarily to transform its own leadership to be able to effectively develop transformational political leadership. The analysis of African institutions already involved in the development of an African leadership for socio-political transformation has shown that Christianising African leadership and socio-political institutions alone was not enough. So, the thesis has proposed a comprehensive socio-political discipleship for the transformation of both individuals and their communities. In a nutshell, the discipleship includes a socio-political intercession1, a four-dimensional discipleship, a socio-political psychotherapy and a church involvement project for socio-political transformation. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology, with specialisation in Urban Ministry)

The recent political conflict in Zimbabwe has attracted the attention of policymakers, academics and the media alike in the neighbouring countries of the region, across the African continent and internationally. While the story of an ageing African liberation hero turned dictator who, through autocratic rule, has governed his country and his people to the ground in order to maintain power is captivating, a key element of the fascination is the critical diplomatic role played by South Africa from 2000 onward. Foreign policy in post-apartheid South Africa on paper is driven by human rights and democracy, conflict prevention and conflict resolution through peaceful means, and the promotion of African interests in world affairs. However, after observing South Africa’s involvement in the Zimbabwe conflict between 2000 and 2009, South Africa’s foreign policy appears to be propelled more by African solidarity and sovereignty, anti-imperialism, and a softer interpretation of preventive diplomacy than its international counterparts. Thabo Mbeki’s preventive diplomacy toward Zimbabwe during his presidency was slow to produce results, lacked transparency and frustrated many, yet, when examined under a preventive diplomacy theoretical lens, Mbeki’s policy did eventually garner success through the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) and the formation of an inclusive government in Zimbabwe. This dissertation examines the role of preventive diplomacy in South Africa’s foreign policy toward Zimbabwe under Mbeki’s leadership and determines the point at which South Africa switched from an approach of preventive diplomacy to one of conflict resolution and conflict management. The concept of ‘preventive diplomacy’ is often focused on government-to-government relations or the high level diplomacy of intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations (UN). Multi-track diplomacy expands on this traditional interpretation and considers the preventive diplomacy contributions of a variety of non-state actors to the practice of conflict prevention. This dissertation uniquely moulds the preventive diplomacy theoretical framework of Michael Lund with Kumar Rupesinghe’s concept of multi-track diplomacy to form a more comprehensive illustration of the role of preventive diplomacy in the approach of multiple actors towards the Zimbabwe conflict. The more inclusive preventive diplomacy theoretical framework is then applied to the conflict in Zimbabwe between 2000 and 2009. Through the application of a preventive diplomacy framework which incorporates the concept of multi-track diplomacy it is then possible to observe the South African government’s preventive diplomacy approach toward Zimbabwe first between 2000 and 2007 and then as mandated by SADC between 2007 and 2009 and finally compare it with the diplomacy of multi-track actors such as the UN, Zimbabwe-based and South African-based civil society organizations, the Zimbabwean Diaspora, religious groups, and financial institutions. The examination of the larger role of preventive diplomacy in the Zimbabwe conflict situation leads to the understanding that each diplomatic effort is interlinked. Therefore the culminating event of the South African government’s preventive diplomacy approach in the Global Political Agreement could not have been achieved without the preventive diplomacy efforts of a multitude of actors who were also committed to preventing violence and finding a lasting solution to the conflict in Zimbabwe. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Political Sciences / unrestricted