Thesis (M.A.(Politieke Beleidstudies))--Universiteit van Pretoria, 2003. / Summary in English and Afrikaans. Includes bibliographical references. Available on the Internet via the World Wide Web.

Master-Arbeit Univ. St. Gallen, 2007.

The concern of this study is "locating the African Renaissance in development discourse: a critical study" and aims to investigate how the South African President Thabo Mbeki has conceptualized the African Renaissance. Through this the author has discovered the meaning of Mbeki's African Renaissance discourse with regard to its context in African development and how it is located in historical conceptions of development in Africa. Through this what innovation to development in Africa is presented by the discourse of the African Renaissance has been identified. Therefore this study is based primarily on an extensive literature research on conception of development and the African Renaissance. In comparison with other discourses on development, the study finds that Mbeki's African Renaissance discourse has been inspired by Pan-Africanist discourses such as self-reliance and African regeneration combined with dominant political and economic discourses such as globalization, good governance, structural adjustment and democracy. The study finds that the great contribution of Mbeki's African Renaissance is to call again on the Africans to realize their self-rediscovery and to restore the African's self esteem without which Africans will never become equipped for African development. However Mbeki stops short of attempting to suggest practical strategies to do so. The study finds that Mbeki' s Arican Renaissance discourse is moralistic and can no longer challenge global economic inequalities. / Thesis (M.A.)- University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / After 1994, South African foreign policymakers faced the challenge of reintegrating a country, isolated for many years as a result of the previous government’s apartheid policies, into the international system. In the process of transforming South Africa's foreign identity from a pariah state to a respected international player, some commentators contend that presidents Mandela and Mbeki were informed by two contrasting theories of International Relations (IR), namely, idealism and realism, respectively. In light of the above-stated popular assumptions and interpretations of the foreign policies of Presidents Mandela and Mbeki, this study is motivated by the primary aim to investigate the classification of their foreign policy within the broader framework of IR theory. This is done by sketching a brief overview of the IR theories of idealism, realism and constructivism, followed by an analysis of the foreign policies of these two statesmen in order to identify some of the principles that underpin them. Two case studies – Mandela's response to the ‘two Chinas’ question and Mbeki's policy of ‘quiet diplomacy’ towards Zimbabwe – are employed to highlight apparent irregularities with the two leaders’ perceived general foreign policy thrusts. It takes the form of a comparative study, and is conducted within the qualitative paradigm, with research based on secondary sources. The findings show that, although the overarching foreign policy principles of these two former presidents can largely be understood on the basis of particular theoretical approaches, they neither acted consistently according to the assumptions of idealism or realism that are ascribed to them. The conclusion drawn is thus that categorising the foreign policies of presidents Mandela and Mbeki as idealist and realist, respectively, results in a simplistic understanding of the perspectives that inform these two statesmen, as well as the complexity of factors involved in foreign policymaking. More significantly, it is unhelpful in developing a better understanding of South Africa's foreign policy in the post-1994 period.

On t.p.: Master of Arts (International Studies) / Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to examine the chances that South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki has in changing the unbalanced relations between the powerful countries of the North and the marginalised developing world. In doing so, it investigates how the leaders of Northern countries received the New Africa Initiative which was launched by a group of African heads of states, including Mbeki, at the G-8 summit in Genoa in July 2001. Unlike preceding works, this study takes a systemic perspective. The power relations in international affairs are pointed out with specific consideration of South Africa's status as an emerging middle power in the international system. Special recognition is furthermore given to the question as to whether there is currently a global re-think under way about globalisation, the ideology of neo-liberalism and the interaction with poor countries in the global political economy. The study comes to the conclusion that despite the fact that South Africa as a middle power is subordinate to the powerful countries of the North when it comes to effecting global change, and despite the outcomes of Genoa that do not indicate that an equitable global order is close, there are considerable trends and developments visible which support what Mbeki is trying to achieve. As a consequence, it is contended that his "Global Initiative" has a much better chance of being successful than the plea for a New International Economic Order in the 1970s. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om die volgende te ondersoek: die waarskynlikheid dat Suid-Afrika se President, Thabo Mbeki, die ongebalanseerde verhoudinge tussen die magtige lande van die Noorde en die gemarginaliseerde ontwikkelende wêreld kan verander. Gevolglik word gekyk in hoe die leiers van die Noordelike lande die "New Africa Inititiative", wat in Julie 2001 by die G-8 spitsberaad in Genoa deur 'n groep staatshoofde van verskeie Afrikalande (Mbeki ingesluit) bekend gestel is, ontvang het. Anders as in vorige studies, word 'n sistematiese benadering in hierdie studie gevolg. Spesiale aandag word verder geskenk aan die vraag of daar huidiglik 'n globale heroorweging onderweg is. met petrekking tot _globalisering, die ideologie van neo-liberalisme en die hantering van arm lande binne die globale politeke ekonomie. Die studie 'kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat daar merkbare neigings en ontwikkelinge is wat Mbeki se werk ondersteun. Dit is ten spyte van die feit dat Suid-Afrika, as middelrnag, ondergeskik is aan die Noordelike lande wanneer invloede op globale veranderinge ter sprake is, en nieteenstaande die gevolge van Genoa, wat geensins aandui dat 'n regverdige globale bedeling naby is nie. Gevolglik word geargumenteer dat hierdie "Globale Inisiatief' 'n beter kans het om suksesvol te wees as die pleidooi vir 'n "Nuwe Internasionale Ekonomiese Orde" tydens die 1970s.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Following FW De Klerk's decision on the 2nd of February 1990 to unban black liberation movements, release of Mandela from prison and the uplifting of the state of emergence, a process of irreversible change was set in motion in South Africa. This process of change was captured in the four-year dramatic series of negotiations sometimes referred to as 'talks about talks' and the real negotiations at Kempton Park, which ensued immediately after De Klerk's ground-breaking speech in 1990. The negotiations ultimately resulted in the i~interim constitution of 1993 which served as the basis for the 1994 elections. The election in turn ushered South Africa into a new epoch of an electoral democracy characterised by most of the ingredients of a normal democracy. The new born "electoral democracy" met the seven conditional institutions/ principles for a polyarchy as prescribed by . Robert Dahl, namely universal suffrage; free and fair elections; right to run public office; freedom of expression; right to access information; freedom to form organizations of great variety and responsiveness of the government to voters and election outcomes. But the key question relates to its consolidation - is it consolidating? Responding to this question is the gist of this not-so comprehensive comparative thesis, whose particular focus is the presidency in the new South Africa - both of Mandela and Mbeki. This is done through the help of the both institutional as well as socio-economic approaches to democracy. That is, 'without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible' (Linz and Stepan .1996.p14) and without favourable socio-economic conditions, democratic institutions are unlikely to endure and consolidate. The institutional analysis puts under spotlight the presidency and decision-making trends, specifically the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) for the Mandela's presidential era and the Policy Co-ordination Advisory Services (PCAS) Unit for the Mbeki's. On socio-economics it looks at how Mandela and Mbeki dealt with the inequality problem issue. This study will not deal with issues such as ethnic heterogeneity or class issues in relation to consolidation of democracy, except insofar as they illustrate something about policies on inequalities. It eventually assesses the implications for the consolidation of democracy in the new South Africa by contrasting Mandela and Mbeki's approaches to the economy i.e. Mandela's ROP and Nedlac and Mbeki's GEAR and International Investment Council. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Proses van onomkeerbare verandering in Suid-Afrika is in werking gestel met FW de Klerk se besluit op 2 Februarie 1990 om die bevrydingsbewegings te ontban, Mandela en ander politieke gevangenis vry te laat en die noodtoestand op te hef. Dié proses van verandering het op 'n vier jaarlange onderhandelingsproses uitgeloop wat aanvanklik getipeer was as "gesprekke oor gesprekke" en daarna die ware onderhandelings wat by Kemptonpark plaasgevind het. Hierdie onderhandelings het gelei tot die formulering van die interim grondwet van 1993 wat die basis gevorm het vir die eerste inklusiewe verkiesing in Suid-Afrika in 1994. Hierdie verkiesing het Suid-Afrika op die pad van 'n elektorale demokrasie geplaas wat die vereiste vir alle normale demokrasieë is. Hierdie elektorale stelsel in Suid-Afrika voldoen aan al Robert Dahl se sewe vereistes vir 'n poliargie, te wete algemene stemreg, vrye en regverdige verkiesings, die reg om aan openbare instellings deel te neem, die vryheid van spraak, die reg tot inligting, die vryheid om organisasies te vorm wat betrekking het op die verkiesingsproses. AI hierdie vereistes is noodsaaklik, maar nie noodwendig voldoende om 'n demokrasie te konsolideer nie. Die vraag is dus of Suid-Afrika konsolideer. Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord vereis 'n omvattende ondersoek. Hierdie tesis is egter meer beskeie en sal slegs konsentreer op die rol van die presidentskap in Suid-Afrika - Mandela en Mbeki, en te bepaal of die style wat hulle gevolg het en die beleide wat hulle toegepas het konsolidasie in die hand werk of nie. Daar sal gekyk word na die institusionele aspekte van die presidentskap se besluitnemingstrukture asook na enkele sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat relevant vir demokratisering is. Die aanname in hierdie tesis was "without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible" (Linz & Stepan. 1996), maar sonder gunstige ekonomiese toestande (Przeworski en andere 1996), is die kanse dat 'n demokrasie volhoubaar is gering. Die instellings wat beskryf en ontleed word wat op die president se besluitnemingstyle dui is die National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) wat Mandela betref en die Policy Coordination Advisory Services (PCAS) wat Mbeki betref. Die sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat ondersoek is handel in beide gevalle met hoe hierdie presidente die ongelykheids-problematiek in Suid-Afrika aangespreek het wat ook op nasiebou betrekking het. Hierdie studie sluit kwessies soos etniese heterogeniteit en die klassedebat uit, behalwe in soverre dit betrekking het op besluitneming en die hantering van ongelykheid. Die implikasies vir konsolidasie word uitgespel.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with nation-building in South Africa since 1994 with a view to finding out the direction taken by nation-building since then. This issue has been and it still is a controversial issue in South Africa. The new dispensation in South Africa occasioned a need for the creation of new national institutions, leaders and policies for the nation. Hence, an inclusive/liberal nation-building programme was put in place. Since 1994 this programme has been carried out by two presidents, namely former president Mandela (1994-1999) and President Mbeki (1999-2002+) respectively. Nevertheless, these two leaders do not only subscribe to different philosophies but also have two divergent approaches to nation-building. Although they are both individualists, Mandela is Charterist whereas Mbeki is an Africanist. Moreover, Mandela promoted nation-building through reconciliation and corporatism. Mbeki's approach to nation-building, on the contrary, emphasises transformation and empowerment through the market. These approaches seem contradictory and thus mutually exclusive. This does not augur weU for fragile democracy of South Africa. Therefore, an attempt will be made to find out whether this is true and thus finding out the direction taken by nationbuilding. This will be done by comparing the Mandela and Mbeki approaches to nation-building. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk handeloor nasiebou in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994, met die doelom die tendense sedertdien te bepaal. Dit was en is steeds 'n kontroversiële kwessie in Suid- Afrika. Die nuwe bedeling in Suid-Afrika het dit noodsaaklik gemaak dat nuwe instellings, leiers en beleide in die nasie tot stand sal kom. Daar is vervolgens op 'n inklusiewe/liberale nasiebou program besluit. Sedert 1994 was dit uitgevoer onder die leierskap van twee presidente, te wete Mandela (1994-1999) en Mbeki (1999-2002+) respektiewelik. Dié twee leiers onderskryf verskillende filosofieë en het ook verskillende benaderings tot nasiebou. Beide is individualiste, en Mandela die Charteris terwyl Mbeki weer die Afrikanis is. Meer spesifiek, Mandela het nasiebou bevorder deur versoening en korporatisme te bevorder. Mbeki aan die ander kant, plaas weer klem op transformasie en bemagtiging deur die mark. Hierdie benaderings skyn teenstrydig te wees. Daarom is 'n poging aangewend om te bepaal hoe insiggewend die verskille is en wat die tendense is. Moontlik spel dit niks goeds vir die nuwe demokrasie nie. Dit is gedoen deur Mandela en Mbeki sistematies te vergelyk.

This dissertation is an examination of presidential communication, focusing primarily on how Mbeki promoted a fringe group of researchers (the Virodene researchers) and a discredited scientific position (the AIDS dissidents). It employs aspects of critical discourse analysis in order to examine Mbeki's speeches, articles, interviews and letters dealing with HIV/AIDS from 1998 to 2003 in order to identify how his views and beliefs on the epidemic changed from the orthodox position that HIV causes AIDS to a dissident view, which led to him asserting that it was impossible for one virus to be the single cause of a wide range of illnesses defined as AIDS. In addition, it examines briefly how civil society, particularly the TAC, responded to Mbeki's unconventional approach to HIV/AIDS, and how Mbeki reacted to criticism of his views on HIV/AIDS. By using the relations of antithesis, entailment and equivalence, this dissertation finds that, although Mbeki moved from an orthodox to a dissident position on HIV/AIDS, there are common threads running through all his discourse. These threads include an intense interest in science and a concern with the plight of the "underdogs", namely those that he feels have been discriminated against by the scientific establishment particularly the pharmaceutical industry. Mbeki's dissident views were not a crude assertion that HIV does not cause AIDS, as has been suggested by other researchers, or those of a sophist seeking excuses for his government's inability to deploy adequate resources to HIV/AIDS. His interest in dissident theory is considered and he has clearly engaged with the scientific arguments of the dissidents. However, this is not the case when Mbeki deals with his critics. It is a matter of concern that Mbeki used the power of the Office of the President to undermine and discredit his opponents by accusing them of being racists or "Uncle Toms" for opposing his dissident views on HIV/AIDS. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2003.

Evaluating the effectiveness of Thabo Mbeki’s political mediation in the Zimbabwean conflict of 2008, following a disputed election outcome, is the principal objective of this study. The Ripeness Theory of mediation and conflict resolution that was proposed by William Zartman and developed by other scholars is deployed as the theoretical framework of the study. The principal measure of the effectiveness of mediation lies in its success in resolving conflict in a sustainable manner. There is consensus in conflict resolution scholarship that the post-cold war era has witnessed a marked shift of conflicts from the inter-state scene to the intra-state domain, such as the one in Zimbabwe, 2008. This shift has brought with it increasing attention to issues of human security, human rights and democratisation in mediation and conflict resolution. As a result, a compelling need for the effective resolution of such conflicts, and guarantee of the enforcement of human rights, security and promotion of democratisation as part of mediation, has arisen. There is also a general acceptance, amongst scholars, that the success of mediation goes beyond the signing of mediated agreements as often case conflict has re-ignited after the signing of peace agreements. For that reason, the argument that mediation is counter-productive as it often puts a lid on the can of conflict without resolving the underlying conflict issues has achieved currency. There is therefore a general convergence of views in mediation literature that addressing the structural causes of disputes guarantees the sustainable resolution of conflict. It is in the context of these developments and views in international relations and politics that this study evaluates, using the Ripeness Theory, its limits noted, the effectiveness of Thabo Mbeki’s mediation in Zimbabwe, and the argument is advanced that often case mediated agreements are not effective mechanisms for the sustainable resolution of conflict and the achievement of democratisation and durable peace. Civil society groups need to be involved to expand the scope of negotiations and limit effects of mediator partiality. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

This thesis examines the 1998 complaint of racism against the Mail & Guardian, a leading exponent of South Africa's alternative press in the 1980s, and important contemporary producer of investigative journalism. The study is framed within a cultural studies approach, analysing the Mail & Guardian as constituted by a 'circuit of production': its social context, production, texts, and audiences. The thesis makes three main arguments. First, that the claim of racism cannot be understood outside of a consideration of both the changing political milieu, and subtle changes within the Mail & Guardian itself. Significant social changes relate to the reconfiguration of racial and class identities wrought by the 'Mbeki state'. Within the Mail & Guardian, the thesis argues for the importance of the power and subjectivity of the editor as a key 'factor' shaping the identity of the paper, evidenced in its production practices and textual outputs. In this regard, the thesis departs from a functionalist analysis of particular 'roles' within the newsroom, drawing instead on a post-structuralist approach to organisational studies. Based on this production and social context, the thesis examines key texts which deal with aspects of South Africa's social transformation, and which exemplify aspects of the Mail & Guardian's reporting which led to the complaint of racism by the Black Lawyers Association (BLA) and the Association of Black Accountants (ABASA). Their complaint was that the Mail & Guardian's reporting impugned the dignity of black people, and in so doing was a violation of their rights to dignity and equality which are constitutionally guaranteed. However, as freedom of the press is also guaranteed by the South African constitution, their complaint to the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) resulted in public debate about these contending rights. My second argument relates to the jurisprudential approach to racism, and the related issue of affirmative action, which informed the complaint against the paper. Contrary to the 'normative', liberal approach to these issues, this thesis highlights Critical Race Theory as the jurisprudential basis for both the claimants' accusation of racism against the Mail & Guardian, and aspects of its implicit use in South African human rights adjudication. The thesis argues that in failing to recognise these different philosophical and political bases of legal reasoning, the media, including the Mail & Guardian, in reporting on these matters failed in their purported role of serving the public interest. The thesis concludes by applying Fraser's critique of Habermas's notion of a single, bourgeois public sphere to journalism, thereby suggesting ways in which the critiques of some of the Mail & Guardian's own journalists could be employed to enlarge its approach to journalism - giving voice to constituencies seldom heard in mainstream media.