• Refine Query
  • Source
  • Publication year
  • to
  • Language
  • 39
  • 21
  • 20
  • 5
  • 1
  • 1
  • Tagged with
  • 99
  • 24
  • 19
  • 17
  • 15
  • 14
  • 12
  • 11
  • 10
  • 10
  • 9
  • 9
  • 8
  • 8
  • 7
  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

'Flame and burnt offering' : a life of Constance Lytton, 1869-1923

Myall, Michelle January 1999 (has links)
No description available.
2

Commandos a study of a black organization's transformation from militant protest to social service /

Modlinski, Julius John, January 1978 (has links)
Thesis--Wisconsin. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 287-291).
3

Militants Going Through Changes: A Qualitative Analysis of Ideological Modification and Group Splintering

Carpenter, Matthew Donald 10 October 2023 (has links)
The probability of militant group splintering is a relatively rare phenomenon that exponentially increases with the introduction of a peace process and associated negotiations (Duursma and Fliervoet, 2021). Militant groups that do splinter hold the potential for increased violence that can spoil negotiations, prolong conflict, incite more citizens to join militant causes, and erode the credibility of the state (Stedman, 1997; Duursma and Fliervoet, 2021; Rudloff and Findley, 2016; Cronin, 2011). Negotiations inherently require some type of concession from one or more parties involved, and for militant groups, they often require modifying components of or entire ideological objectives. This research explores intergroup dynamics surrounding militant ideological modifications made during negotiations that lead to splintering. The author examines ideological modification across three militant groups identified through an empirical case selection process: Al-Fatah, the FARC, and the PKK. Diagnostic evidence resulting from congruence procedures coupled with theory-building process tracing allowed for the inference of 'militant perceived ideological betrayal' acting as a sufficient causal mechanism that connects negotiations to militant splintering. This dissertation examined intergroup dynamics surrounding ideological modifications, when militants perceive modifications as concessions, and the relative importance of group enforcement measures meant to maintain militant cohesion. Findings provide important evidence related to the relational nature of militant ideology, and raise credible questions surrounding ideological devotion by hardliners depending upon the framing of changes and their legitimacy, and if said changes occur in the face of an adversary or on the militant group's own accord. / Doctor of Philosophy / Militant splintering is a relatively rare phenomenon that increases with the introduction of a peace process and associated negotiations (Duursma and Fliervoet, 2021). Militant groups that do splinter hold the potential for increased violence that can spoil negotiations, prolong conflict, incite more citizens to join militant causes, and erode the credibility of the state (Stedman, 1997; Duursma and Fliervoet, 2021; Rudloff and Findley, 2016; Cronin, 2011). Negotiations include various concessions from one or more parties involved, and for militant groups they often require modifying components of or entire key ideological objectives. This research explores intergroup dynamics surrounding militant ideological modification during negotiations that lead to splintering. The author examines changes in militant ideology across three groups identified through an empirical case selection process: Al-Fatah, the FARC, and the PKK. Diagnostic evidence resulting from qualitative case and within-case comparison allowed for the inference of a causal mechanism 'militant perceived ideological betrayal' connecting negotiations to militant splintering. This research project examined the intergroup dynamics surrounding when militants change ideological objectives or orientation, when militants perceive these changes as concessions, and the relative importance of group enforcement measures meant to maintain group cohesion. Findings provide important evidence related to the relational nature of militant ideology, and raise credible questions surrounding ideological devotion by hardliners depending upon the framing of changes and their associated legitimacy, and whether said changes occur in the face of an adversary or on the militant group's own accord.
4

An analysis on the development of militancy and violence in West Africa : the Niger Delta, the Maghreb and Sahel, Cote D'ivoire

Hooper, Austin R. 01 January 2010 (has links)
The African continent is infamous for its lawlessness, violence, poverty, corruption, underdevelopment, and militancy. These factors, such as corruption and underdevelopment, have been a direct result of mismanagement and inept leadership since independence. Through these factors, opposition groups formed to contest such actions. While such opposition was seen through peaceful measures, some groups have been led to the use of violence and militancy as a means of opposing the status quo. While there are opposition groups in every nation, the primary focus of this thesis is upon the reason for the development of opposition groups that have led to the active use of violence, force, and other extreme to measures to achieve their goals. This thesis seeks to demonstrate how peaceful opposition failed to be effective because of governmental policies and action taken against these differing groups. The first chapter develops the use of violence by militant groups in Nigeria such as MEND in the oil-producing region of Niger Delta, where oil profits and corruption have Jed to armed conflict between militants and government forces. Chapter two analyzes the development of the Tuareg militancy in the African Sahel and Maghreb, where a nomadic pastoralist minority have sought autonomy for over a century. The last chapter analyzes the breakdown of order and the emergence of civil war in the Cote d'Ivoire. With all three case studies, the paper emphasizes and analyzes how government policies and actions taken against the opposition has resulted in an extreme alienation of each group, which would lead to the use of violence to rectify past transgressions.
5

The rise of militancy in the Muslim youth : Discourse analysis of recruitment tactics of militant groups in Pakistan for inciting youth to violence after 9/11

Sayed, Abdul January 2017 (has links)
This study is focused on the spreading wave of militancy in the Muslim youth after 9/11 era.  The role Al Qaeda is researched in understanding this problem in the case study of Pakistan. Al Qaeda is considered as the nursery for the rising of militancy in the Muslims while Pakistan is the birthplace of Al Qaeda. The problem of militancy rose to the alarming level in Pakistan after 9/11 when the Pakistani state started to support the US in the war against terror which Al Qaeda and other Islamists consider as the war against Islam. The recruitment strategies of Al Qaeda and other Pakistani militant groups like Tihreak Taliban Pakistan (TTP or Pakistani Taliban movement) are studied through the discourse analysis. The primary data from the militant sources like the speeches, books and interviews of their leadership and ideologues, their official magazines and press releases are selected for this research. All this data is available in Urdu language which is translated to the English for this research. The theoretical framework of this research is based on the “Soft theory” of Josef Nye (2006) and the “three dimensions of Power” theory of Steven Lukes (2005). The results of this research show that the militants mostly use different types of arguments in their messages to the youth in their efforts for recruiting them to the path of militancy which include mostly the religious arguments. Along with it, they also attract youth to their path on targeting their grievances and hopes. They present to them the path of militancy as an end and the only way of revenge for their all grievances. These results also show that the militants also present militancy to the youth as the only mean for achievement of their various hopes which they believe these Muslims youth cannot get without militancy.
6

Arquitetos militantes em urbanização de favelas: uma exploração a partir de casos de São Paulo e do Rio de Janeiro / Militant architects in urbanization of favelas: an exploration from the cases of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro

Ferreira, Lara Isa Costa 09 May 2017 (has links)
O foco desta pesquisa é a atuação de arquitetos e urbanistas militantes em urbanização de favelas. Para tal recorremos acasos concretos de experiências de urbanização de favelas com a participação destes técnicos na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo e Município do Rio de Janeiro da década de 60 aos anos 2010. Pretendemos desta forma olhar para este campo de atuação do arquiteto e urbanista, mas focando naqueles que historicamente têm exercitado intervenções mais justas, mais integradoras, mais emancipadas em favelas. Trata-se de um reconhecimento da atuação destes arquitetos - sujeitos políticos, mas também a apresentação de uma retrospectiva sobre as suas práticas, muitas vezes pioneiras no seu campo de atuação. Trata-se também de uma reflexão sobre os alcances e limites da sua ação militante. Selecionamos sujeitos que se destacam nessa atuação e cujas experiências que acontecem num tensionamento entre técnica, estética e ética. Na prática, os resultados são por vezes limitados, e muitas vezes frustrantes, mas ao mesmo tempo, seguramente inspiradores. A partir dos seus relatos e reflexões, mesmo que em contexto muito diversificados, encontramos pontos de contato nas metodologias, nas ações e nas intenções e que denominamos como práticas militantes em urbanização de favelas. Com esta pesquisa propomos um mapeamento de possíveis referências, mas também o questionamento sobre o lugar do arquiteto frente a territórios de conflito. / This research focus on the action of militant architects and urban planners in what regards slum upgrading processes in favelas from the 60\'s to the 10\'s decades. In order to do so, we resort to concrete cases of slum upgrading experiences in favelas that counted upon the participation of theses subjects in the metropolitan region of São Paulo, as well as in the municipality of Rio de Janeiro. We aimed at regarding this field of action of architects and urban planners focusing on the professionals that have been proposing interventions that seek to be more just, more integrated, and more emancipated in favelas. This work intends to recognize the background of these architects - understood as political subjects herein - but also, to approach a retrospective about their experiences that usually reveal to be pionneer in their professional field. It also aims at analyising the limits and advances of their militant action. We have chosen professionals that stand out in their field of action, and whose experiences stress the boundaries of ethics, aesthetics and techinique. In the end, the results of their experiences are rare, generally frustrating, but at the same time, surely inspiring. We have built our analysis upon their oral information and their own relfections over their experience, and, despite the different contexts, we have come to common points in terms of methods, practice and inteverntions, that we have have designated as militant practices in slum upgranding. Through this research, we present a mapping of possible references, but also a questioning over the role of architects in territories of conflicts.
7

« L’Ontario français, c’est le nom d’un combat ». Gaétan Gervais, acteur et témoin d’une mutation référentielle (1944-2008)

Dorais, François-Olivier 30 January 2013 (has links)
Cette thèse propose une étude de l’oeuvre intellectuelle et militante de l’historien Gaétan Gervais, à la fois témoin et acteur d’une mutation référentielle en Ontario français depuis la fin des années 1960. Sont examinés les divers lieux d’enracinement de sa pensée, depuis le Sudbury français des années 1940 et 1950, en passant par le contexte de mutations culturelles, politiques et historiographiques des décennies d’après-guerre. L’étude s’étend au contenu des écrits de l’historien ainsi qu’à ses interventions dans les sphères publique et gouvernementale de l’Ontario et de la francophonie canadienne, plus spécifiquement au regard de l’éducation postsecondaire. L’analyse fait ressortir les paramètres structurants de sa pensée et montre comment elle opère dans l’espace propre au milieu minoritaire franco-ontarien. Elle fait apparaître l’historien comme l’une des principales figures énonciatrices d’une représentation identitaire axée sur une continuité référentielle avec le Canada français, porteuse d’une ambition autonomiste sur les plans institutionnel et référentiel.
8

Les rapports de pouvoir au sein des groupes militants radicaux

Quirion, Marie-Ève January 2008 (has links) (PDF)
Cette étude s'intéresse aux modes organisationnels des groupes militants radicaux du Québec et à leur gestion des rapports de pouvoir. Douze entrevues (semi directives) avec des activistes de Montréal et de Québec (membres de six groupes proches des courants libertaires et féministe radical) ont servi de base pour dresser un portrait des militant-e-s de la frange radicale de l'altermondialisme. Dans un contexte d'individuation et de désillusion quant aux aspirations révolutionnaires, il demeure, pour les activistes, une adhésion aux idéologies (en particulier à l'anarchisme) et un sentiment d'appartenance aux groupes militants. Les interviewé-e-s mettent d'ailleurs l'engagement au centre de leur vie et tentent de concilier l'individuel et le collectif. Les militant-e-s radicaux-les s'organisent ici et maintenant selon leurs affinités, les coalitions à former et leurs désirs de se réseauter. Malgré le caractère éphémère et flexible des groupes, on retrouve de forts liens d'appartenance et de proximité dans ces lieux qui deviennent des refuges pour les militant-e-s. Les radicaux-les aspirent à mettre en pratique leurs idéaux de liberté, d'égalité et de solidarité, d'où leur prise en considération des rapports de pouvoir qui se développent à l'intérieur des groupes militants. Ressentant un sentiment d'urgence, ils et elles cherchent également à faire apparaître leurs visées sociales et politiques dans l'espace public et à combattre les formes tangibles d'oppressions systémiques. Vivant souvent avec tension la difficile application de leurs idéaux (en reproduisant même au sein de leurs groupes ce qu'ils et elles dénoncent), les militant-e-s radicaux oscillent donc entre le front intérieur et le front extérieur de leur lutte. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Militantisme, Engagement, Organisation, Radicalisme, Anarchisme, Féminisme, Affinitaire, Altermondialisme, Révolution, Désillusion, Oppression systémique, Leadership, Autorité, Pouvoir.
9

« L’Ontario français, c’est le nom d’un combat ». Gaétan Gervais, acteur et témoin d’une mutation référentielle (1944-2008)

Dorais, François-Olivier 30 January 2013 (has links)
Cette thèse propose une étude de l’oeuvre intellectuelle et militante de l’historien Gaétan Gervais, à la fois témoin et acteur d’une mutation référentielle en Ontario français depuis la fin des années 1960. Sont examinés les divers lieux d’enracinement de sa pensée, depuis le Sudbury français des années 1940 et 1950, en passant par le contexte de mutations culturelles, politiques et historiographiques des décennies d’après-guerre. L’étude s’étend au contenu des écrits de l’historien ainsi qu’à ses interventions dans les sphères publique et gouvernementale de l’Ontario et de la francophonie canadienne, plus spécifiquement au regard de l’éducation postsecondaire. L’analyse fait ressortir les paramètres structurants de sa pensée et montre comment elle opère dans l’espace propre au milieu minoritaire franco-ontarien. Elle fait apparaître l’historien comme l’une des principales figures énonciatrices d’une représentation identitaire axée sur une continuité référentielle avec le Canada français, porteuse d’une ambition autonomiste sur les plans institutionnel et référentiel.
10

Wales and militancy, 1952-1970

Thomas, Alun Wyn January 2010 (has links)
This thesis addresses the campaign of militant activism which Wales witnessed between 1963 and 1969. It demonstrates that the unprecedented period of violence was fuelled by both the contentious flooding of Cwm Tryweryn and crucially, the failure of Plaid Cymru to prevent the valley's drowning through constitutional means. By not taking passive and timely protest action, Plaid Cymru ensured that militancy, as predominately undertaken by Mudiad Amddiffyn Cymru, became a feature of the Welsh geo-political landscape. Moreover, had the party taken a more sharpened approach during the earlier stages of the proposal, it is likely that the emergence of the so-called Free Wales Army, which campaigned along the lines of using 'propaganda against the Establishment', may well have been avoided. However, this is a view which is challenged by, among others, former members of the displaced community, who maintain that Plaid Cymru - and most notably its president - did all they could to prevent the Tryweryn Reservoir Bill becoming law. Nonetheless, the escalation in militant strategy came in response to the impending Royal Investiture of Charles Windsor as Prince of Wales. In retaliation, the authorities established the so-called Shrewsbury Unit. This was borne of an increasingly desperate attempt to apprehend those responsible, in order to ensure the safety of the Royal Party and the success of the ceremony. By considering the publicity conscious Free Wales Army, the thesis demonstrates that the group undertook one failed militant strike. It also establishes that the militant offensive undertaken by MAC comprised two distinct phases. The first in 1963 was predominately marshalled by Emyr Llywelyn Jones. The second period of hostilities, between 1966 and 1969, was orchestrated by John Jenkins; who critically, was a Sergeant in the British Army Dental Corps. This thesis seeks to reinstate the importance of the militant campaign in Welsh history, neither by judging it nor dismissing it, but by establishing the importance of these protests to both the nation's history and its cultural and political advance. It also establishes the detail of what happened, while seeking to tell the story in a balanced way, paying full attention to the perspective of the perpetrators and those actively engaged in their detection.

Page generated in 0.073 seconds