Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2008. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 609-638).

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

Thesis (M.B.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2003. / "MBA professional report."--Cover. Thesis advisor(s): David F. Matthews, Raymond E. Franck. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-90). Also available online.

Thesis (M.S. in Contract Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002. / Thesis advisor(s): Jeffrey R. Cuskey, Gary D. Notte. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-102). Also available online.

Corporate interlocks between U.S. firms are a long-studied issue, and the apparent influence of these interlocks can be examined by applying theories of capitalism vs. the state arguments in examining the actual policy power that these interlocks potentially wield. This study investigates the link between corporate executives of the United States petroleum and military-defense industries, and examines the implications of the interlocking directorates that exist between these two industries, along with the strength of ties to government through former lawmakers and bureaucrats seated on these boards. The purpose of this research is to uncover evidence as to whether these interlocks and social network-ties are being utilized to further mutual interests of both these industries, along with the state, notably U.S.-led or U.S.-financed military or covert actions in petroleum-rich regions across the globe. The analysis reveals that interlocking directorates between the petroleum and defense industries show a high frequency of interlocks relative to other industries, along with a strong connection to government. This study points to the potential that oil-rich regions may have undergone U.S. military and covert interventions in an effort to not only gain access to petroleum, but to further the economic interests of the petroleum and defense industries. These findings lead to the conclusion that a real "Syriana," as in the plot of the 2005 film, may have been executed on two primary occasions during the George W. Bush administration. / Ph. D.

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Strategic Studies Degree, U.S. Army War College. / Title from title screen (viewed May 22, 2008). Bernard F. Griffard, project adviser. "21 March 2008"--P. [iii]. "ADA479009"--URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 19-23). Also issued in paper format.

No description available.

Entre 1763 et 2013, le Québec est armes car il se retrouve entraîné au coeur des questions de sécurité et de défense qui agitent l’espace nord-américain. L’histoire de la Belle province est marquée par une série d’alliances militaires, de luttes violentes, de rébellions, de résistances et de transgressions. La guerre de Sept ans, la révolution américaine, la guerrefranco-britannique en 1793, la révolte des Patriotes en 1837-1838, la participation des Canadiens francophones à la guerre de Sécession, les crises de la conscription en 1918 et en 1942, l’action du FLQ, les référendums sur l’indépendance du Québec en 1980 et 1995 ou encore la participation active du Québec à la guerre contre le terrorisme à partir de 2001constituent quelques exemples de ces rapports de force au cours de la période étudiée.L’histoire du Québec en tant qu’entité spécifique démarre avec la cession par le roi de France de la partie canadienne de l’empire français au roi d’Angleterre avec le traité de Paris du 10 février 1763. Sous la houlette de l’Église catholique, les Canadiens francophones, qui vivent dans les basses terres du Saint-Laurent, organisent leur résistance face au colonialisme britannique. Ils développent au fil du temps leur propre culture stratégique fondée sur l’idée d’une nécessité de la survivance du fait francophone en Amérique du Nord. Malgré les tentatives de l’Angleterre d’assimiler la population de la colonie à la culture anglophone afin de mieux faire accepter son autorité, les francophones résistent et organisent leur défense territoriale dans les basses terres du Saint-Laurent. Cette résistance accélère l’émergence d’une relation spéciale entre le Québec et la France qui constitue son ancienne métropole coloniale. Les relations de la Belle Province avec les États d’Amérique du Nord sont conditionnées par cette culture stratégique spécifique des francophones.Au moment du 250e anniversaire du traité de Paris, en 2013, le Québec forme un complexe de sécurité et de défense ayant atteint un statut de quasi-État souverain. Il a une population homogène, un territoire et un gouvernement propre. Il possède le plus important réseau de représentations diplomatiques à l’étranger de tous les États fédérés dans le monde. Il dispose également d’une force de police, d’un service de renseignement ou encore d’une industrie de guerre. Le Québec exerce une influence internationale hors de proportion avec son poids démographique. / Between 1763 and 2013, Quebec is armed because the province is concerned by the security and defense issues in the North American area. The Quebec history is characterised by a series of military alliances, violent struggles, rebellion, resistance and transgressions. The Seven Years War, the American Revolution, the Franco-British war in 1793, the Patriotsrevolt in 1837-1838, the participation of French Canadians in the American Civil War, conscription crises in 1918 and 1942, the FLQ action, referendums on Quebec independence in 1980 and 1995 or the Quebec active participation in the war against terrorism from 2001 are some examples of these power relations for the studied period.The history of Quebec as a specific entity starts with the assignment by the King of France of the Canadian portion of the French Empire to the King of England with the Treaty of Paris of February 10th, 1763. Under the leadership of the Church Catholic, French-speaking canadians who live in the lowlands of the St. Lawrence, are organizing their resistance toBritish colonialism. Over the time, they develop their own strategic culture based on the idea of a need for the survival of the French fact in North America. Despite the attempts of England to assimilate the population of the colony to the English culture to better accept his authority, french canadians resist and organize their territorial defense in the lowlands of theSt. Lawrence. This resistance accelerates the emergence of a special relationship between Quebec and France wich is its former colonial power. The relations of the Belle Province with the North American States are structured by the specific strategic culture of french canadians.At the time of the 250th Treaty of Paris anniversary, in 2013, Quebec is a security and defense complex having reached a status of almost sovereign State. The province has a homogeneous population, a territory and a lawfull government. Quebec has the largest diplomatic representations network abroad all federal states in the world. The province alsohas its own police force, an intelligence service or a war industry. Quebec has international influence out of proportion to its demographic weight.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T18:15:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DOUGLAS RUNDVALT.pdf: 2542992 bytes, checksum: 4af8944eae7b7b7858a293c2b9d5cc80 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-07-02 / The geo-historical importance of the Cold War to the present comes in the form of arms race generating dual technologies under the so-called military-industrial complex. Innovations in the U.S have provided the recovery of economic growth and hegemony in the decades of 1980-90. One of the ramifications of this militaryindustrial complex in the current times deal with the manipulation of biological beings to serve as weapons of war. At the beginning of the century. XXI, are witnessing the creation of a new enemy without a defined territory and no address to attack,international terrorism, elected as justification for continued investment in new military technologies. In this present study we demonstrate these new tactics developed within the National Security, which many private interests converged in the creation of Bioshield. Thence we define this new ramification of the MIC - complex militaryindustrial-biotech (CMIB), enabler of new profits from partnerships between military and civilians, and already tested in the case of global flu like pandemics. / A importância geohistórica da Guerra Fria nos chega até o presente na forma da corrida armamentista geradora de tecnologias duais no âmbito do que se convencionou chamar de complexo industrial-militar (CIM). As inovações no campo militar proporcionaram aos Estados Unidos a retomada do crescimento econômico e da hegemonia nas décadas de 1980-90. Uma das ramificações desse CIM nos tempos atuais lidam com a manipulação de seres biológicos para servirem como armas de guerra. No início do séc. XXI, presenciamos a criação de um novo inimigo sem território definido e sem endereço para atacar, o terrorismo internacional, eleito como justificativa para a continuidade de investimentos em novas tecnologias militares. Neste trabalho demonstramos essas novas táticas desenvolvidas no âmbito da Segurança Nacional, que convergiram diversos interesses privados na criação do Escudo de Biodefesa. Daí que definimos essa nova ramificação do CIM de complexo-industrial-militar-biotecnológico (CIMB), iabilizadora de novos lucros a partir de parcerias entre militares e civis, e já testada no caso das pandemias gripais globais.

This thesis explores how the campaign for the The Dwight D. Eisenhower System of Interstate and Defense Highways was a product of the 1950s military-industrial complex, which developed from a nationalist project seeking to confirm American exceptionalism during the early Cold War.