Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis analyses the strategy of modern Ukrainian - U.S. defense and military relations in three areas: Defense Relations; Military Relations; and Civil-Military Relations. These relations are assessed in terms of their adequacy to obtain Ukraine's overall strategic goals. The quantity and complexity of the U.S. defense and military engagement programs towards Ukraine have made the entire coordination process fragmented. The thesis concludes that the recent goals and objectives of existing relations should be concentrated on the Ukrainian Armed Forces transition to democratic civil-military relations. The transformation of the Ukrainian Armed Forces is essential to maintaining progress toward the development of stable and democratic civil-military relations in Ukraine and its armed forces that are prepared to assume their place within European and Transatlantic Security. / Major, Ukrainian Army

The period 1960-63 saw the independence of many African countries. Since then, the continent has experienced numerous military coups, attempted coups or military interference in politics. Consequently, many countries have found it important that the power of the military be used responsibly and for the benefit of the society. To achieve this they opted for subordination of the military to civilian authorities, yet coups and coup attempts have persisted. In contrast to this scenario on the continent there has not been a coup d’etat, attempted coup d’etat, or any form of unacceptable influence over the political process by the military in Namibia since independence in 1990. The purpose of this study was to determine the political institutions in the country that are necessary for democratic civil-military relations and how they have effectively contributed to the prevailing peace and stability in Namibia. Much has been written on civil-military relations; however, very little research has been produced on democratic civil-military relations in Namibia since independence. This thesis is a study of how Namibia took the path of democratic civil-military relations that have ensured civil control over the military. The research was informed by examining the generally held assumptions about civil-military relations as espoused in the literature to better understand the phenomenon of civil-military relations in Namibia that has ensured civil supremacy over the military. In this regard, the study was a qualitative method of research. This method helped to describe the concepts of civil-military relations using the guiding theoretical framework and thereafter helped to examine civil-military relations being applied in Namibia. One of the main findings of the research was that civil-military relations in Namibia are characterised by Western liberal civil-military relations traditions. The nature of civil-military relations in Namibia was influenced by factors such as historical legacy, the liberation struggle experience and the international context that shaped the Namibian state. It was also established through this study that the two main shortcomings of civil-military relations in the country were the inadequacy in parliamentary oversight of the defence and security, and serious deficiencies with regard to limited participation of civil society.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004. / Thesis advisor(s): Thomas Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004. / Thesis advisor(s): Letitia Lawson. Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-68). Also available online.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004. / Thesis advisor(s): Jessica Piombo, Maria Rasmussen. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003. / Thesis advisor(s): Mikhail Tsypkin, Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-82). Also available online.

Theoretical work on civil military relations has traditionally emphasised the separation of the military from the civilian spheres as the best means of insulating against military intervention. Rebecca Schiff's concordance model challenges this basic assumption by arguing that intervention can be prevented by the presence of agreement amongst the military, the political leadership and the citizenry, on four specific indicators; the social composition of the officer corps, the political decision-making process, recruitment method and military style. Schiff's theory has been used to explore the post 1945 relationship that has existed between Indonesian army, citizenry and political leadership. The thesis argues, in line with Schiff's theory that the Indonesian army's participation in society and politics has been determined by its unique history and culture. Schiff's theory has been further applied to Indonesia to trace the gradual development of a concordance. The evidence from the Indonesian case indicates that Schiff's argument is undermined by its static nature due to the inability of her model to account for change within each of the partners. Schiff's theory overlooks the need for the partners to be coherent in order for agreement to form. In the case of this study Schiff's theory has been adapted to take into account change within the actors, introducing a dynamic element to the model. It is contended that the concordance which did eventually emerge was significantly different in nature to that defined by Schiff, namely and enforced concordance. This enforced concord endured until 1998, when a fundamental change within the nature of the partners led to Suharto's downfall. It is argued further that the case of Indonesia demonstrates the need for her

The thrust of this thesis is that during the last quarter of a century the UK, in common with all other coastal states, has extended civil jurisdiction seawards. The extension of jurisdiction also means the extension of civil administration. In the UK there is a long tradition of civil authority primacy, with the military occupying a subordinate position. If civil administration has been extended to maritime zones it would be appropriate constitutionally for the principle of civil authority primacy to apply within those zones in the same way that it does ashore. The first part of the thesis examines the process of jurisdictional extension. It analyses the law of the sea as it stands today and compares it with the UK Government's response to it. The conclusion reached is that the UK's jurisdiction and civil administration have indeed been extended seawards. The UK is now endowed with a complex collection of maritime jurisdictions that together combine to create what is referred to as the 'maritime domain'. The juridical nature of that domain is such that it would be inappropriate not to apply accepted principles of governance to the variety of activities that are carried on within it. Having established this important initial position the thesis then goes on, in Part II, to examine various forms of military activity that might be included under the heading of Military Aid to Civil Authorities (MACA). After an examination of existing MACA Doctrine, there follows a series of chapters in which different military operations are examined in some detail. In the concluding chapters, it is asserted that those activities do qualify for inclusion in the definition of MACA. An important contribution made by this thesis is the extension of the UK's MACA Doctrine to include all forms of maritime MACA operations.

In the security spectrum, there is a blurring line between defence and development. In both traditional and non-traditional security situations, such as counterinsurgency and natural disasters, the armed forces has been called to respond in ways other than their mandate of physical protection in order to attend to human development needs. How and when this transition of roles happens has been studied and debated. As the main security institution of a country, militaries around the world have performed duties outside of their defence functions. Their tasks have expanded from maintaining peace and order to including nation-building, economic development, the provision of disaster relief, and engaging in efforts to conserve natural resources. Looking at these extra functions, the Philippines armed forces are no different in performing non-traditional roles. The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) is one of the key institutions, which has been at the forefront of the campaign in tackling these domestic challenges. To a certain extent, the mixture of economic activities with combat operations has characterised the military’s different campaigns such as counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency. Involvement in economic functions has been justified on the grounds that it is critical to ‘winning the hearts and minds’ of those living on the front lines, supporting the military’s role in nation-building. The aim of this study is to employ pre-determined metrics to evaluate the contribution of the Philippine defence sector to national development, and, in turn, comprehensive security. Whilst the conventional view is that defence is a burden on development, the question this study poses is whether, by contrast, in the Philippine context, there is a positive relationship between defence and development; that is, that defence expenditure contributes to development outputs such as employment, skill-generation and even infrastructural investment. The study framework is anchored to the following policies: AFP Modernisation Act of 1995, and its subsequent revision, AFP Modernisation Act of 2010, the Internal Peace and Security Plan (IPSP), and the National Security Plan 2011-2016. The framework highlights the important security goals of defence industrialisation, internal security, and non-traditional security. These data were further substantiated and consolidated via archival sources, such as government and company reports, as well as secondary data (e.g. books, journals, etc.). The mission thrusts of the AFP demonstrate the organisation’s multiple objectives to carry out a mandate to protect the state and the people. The Philippines has a very modest defence industry with few companies manufacturing small arms and ammunitions. Its goal is to be self-reliant, however, issues within the Procurement Law prevents this. Meanwhile, the conduct of counter-insurgency efforts through the IPSP allows the AFP unified commands and field units to support government units and agencies in their peace and development programmes. Furthermore, the geographic deployment of military personnel and equipment across the archipelago allows the armed forces to respond in times of disasters. Overall, the armed forces has contributes positively to the national development of the Philippines. To this end, and based on the research finding, a number of important policy recommendations are advanced to raise the effectiveness of the Philippines’ security policies.

In the security spectrum, there is a blurring line between defence and development. In both traditional and non-traditional security situations, such as counterinsurgency and natural disasters, the armed forces has been called to respond in ways other than their mandate of physical protection in order to attend to human development needs. How and when this transition of roles happens has been studied and debated. As the main security institution of a country, militaries around the world have performed duties outside of their defence functions. Their tasks have expanded from maintaining peace and order to including nation-building, economic development, the provision of disaster relief, and engaging in efforts to conserve natural resources. Looking at these extra functions, the Philippines armed forces are no different in performing non-traditional roles. The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) is one of the key institutions, which has been at the forefront of the campaign in tackling these domestic challenges. To a certain extent, the mixture of economic activities with combat operations has characterised the military’s different campaigns such as counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency. Involvement in economic functions has been justified on the grounds that it is critical to ‘winning the hearts and minds’ of those living on the front lines, supporting the military’s role in nation-building. The aim of this study is to employ pre-determined metrics to evaluate the contribution of the Philippine defence sector to national development, and, in turn, comprehensive security. Whilst the conventional view is that defence is a burden on development, the question this study poses is whether, by contrast, in the Philippine context, there is a positive relationship between defence and development; that is, that defence expenditure contributes to development outputs such as employment, skill-generation and even infrastructural investment. The study framework is anchored to the following policies: AFP Modernisation Act of 1995, and its subsequent revision, AFP Modernisation Act of 2010, the Internal Peace and Security Plan (IPSP), and the National Security Plan 2011-2016. The framework highlights the important security goals of defence industrialisation, internal security, and non-traditional security. These data were further substantiated and consolidated via archival sources, such as government and company reports, as well as secondary data (e.g. books, journals, etc.). The mission thrusts of the AFP demonstrate the organisation’s multiple objectives to carry out a mandate to protect the state and the people. The Philippines has a very modest defence industry with few companies manufacturing small arms and ammunitions. Its goal is to be self-reliant, however, issues within the Procurement Law prevents this. Meanwhile, the conduct of counter-insurgency efforts through the IPSP allows the AFP unified commands and field units to support government units and agencies in their peace and development programmes. Furthermore, the geographic deployment of military personnel and equipment across the archipelago allows the armed forces to respond in times of disasters. Overall, the armed forces has contributes positively to the national development of the Philippines. To this end, and based on the research finding, a number of important policy recommendations are advanced to raise the effectiveness of the Philippines’ security policies.