Orientador: Jairo Morais Nunes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-03T14:56:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zocca_CynthiaLevart_M.pdf: 3976728 bytes, checksum: e53a16b486d8d1b98c90d5c05d8a1f25 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003 / Resumo: Esta dissertação trata da relação entre sintaxe e morfologia que pode ser observada através de sentenças contendo elipses. A análise proposta tem como base o arcabouço teórico do Programa Minimalista de Chomsky (1995, 1999, 2000) e a Morfologia Distribuída de Halle e Marantz (1993). A principal questão levantada diz respeito à necessidade de identidade entre o elemento elidido e seu antecedente. Em primeiro lugar faço a distinção entre dois processos anafóricos descritos por Hankamer e Sag (1976): anáforas profundas, que não têm conteúdo sintático, e anáforas superficiais, que têm conteúdo sintático. Aponto que um dos critérios para identificar anáforas superficiais, identidade estrita entre o antecedente e a elipse, nem sempre parece se aplicar. Mostro que a falta de identidade entre o antecedente e a elipse é apenas aparente, pois existe um ponto da derivação sintática em que são idênticos, sendo que nos dois locais o que existe é um radical e afixos de Caso, tempo ou concordância. Tais afixos são valorados através da operação Agree de Chomsky (1999,2000). Dentro do Programa Minimalista, existem duas formas de eliminar traços não-interpretáveis: através do movimento coberto de traços, Move F (Chomsky 1995) ou de concordância local sem movimento, Agree (Chomsky 1999, 2000). Mostro que os dados de elipse apresentados favorecem uma análise através de Agree. Além disso os dados também favorecem uma abordagem para a derivação de elipses que se vale de apagamento em PF, e não reconstrução em LF. Por fim, analiso casos de elipses envolvendo expressões inerentemente negativas ou positivas e os verbos ser e estar, que parecem ser contra-exemplos para a análise com Agree e apagamento em PF proposta. Mostro, no entanto, que tais casos podem ser explicados dentro da análise proposta considerando-se que se tratam de elementos inerentemente especificados / Abstract: This thesis deals with the relationship between syntax and morphology that can be established from sentences containing ellipsis. The proposed analysis is based on the theoretical background of Chomsky's (1995, 1999, 2000) Minimalist Program and the Distributed Morphology of Halle and Marantz (1993). The main issue raised concerns the necessity of identity between the elided element and its antecedent. First of ali I distinguish between two anaphoric processes described by Hankamer and Sag (1976): deep anaphora, which has no syntactic content, and surface anaphora, which has syntactic content. I point out that one criterion used to identify surface anaphora, i.e. strict identity between the antecedent and the ellipsis, does not always apply. I argue that the lack of identity between the antecedent and the ellipsis is just apparent, for there is a point in the syntactic derivation in which both sites are actually filled with a root plus Case, tense or agreement affixes. Such affixes enter the derivation unvalued and have their values set under the operation Agree Chomsky (1999, 2000). In the Minimalist Program, there are two ways of checking and eliminating uninterpretable features: through covert feature movement, Move F (Chomsky 1995) or local agreement with no movement, through the operation Agree (Chomsky 1999, 2000). I show that the ellipsis data presented favor an analysis using Agree. Furthermore, the data also favor an approach for the derivation of ellipsis using PF deletion instead of LF reconstruction. Finally, I analyze cases of ellipsis involving inherently negative or positive expressions and the verb be, which seem to be counter-examples to the Agree - PF deletion analysis. I show, however, that these cases can be explained under the proposed analysis, taking into account that these elements are inherently specified. / Mestrado / Mestre em Linguística

Autism poses many internal challenges, from increased sensory overwhelm and cognitive inflexibility to navigating co-occurring conditions like depression and anxiety. In addition, Autistic persons may use different internal working models to transact with other agents in the world. These population differences may result in empathy gaps. How do scientists minimize the resulting psychological distress associated with these challenges and empathy gaps? A psychoeducational program for global cognition was developed that attempts to integrate psychological research to design a prosthetic internal working model. The result is EM-Theory (Elemental Model), a 4x4 (sixteen elemental module) psychoeducational matrix called the Skew Metric. EM-Theory may evoke increased psychoeducational insight into the mechanics of cognitive architecture in a manner that is always accessible because it is optimized for limited capacity visuospatial working memory. It is hypothesized that an increased understanding of cognitive mechanics may increase capacities to self-regulate psychological distress. Emphasis was placed on four reportable elemental modules as a significant cause of psychological distress. A small conceptual study was conducted with 10 participants with autism spectrum differences (ASD) and ten participants from the typically developing population (TD). Measures were taken to capture attributes of psychological distress from four reportable elemental modules (worry, rumination, distraction from mindfulness, and loss of mental vigilance), as well as measures designed to capture each ASD participant’s relationship with internalized narratives implicating their autism. General conclusions were not drawn from this small sample study. However, individual differences were described as a proof of concept on how a quantitative test may be further developed to provide accurate and meaningful feedback to assist beyond introspection. / Graduate

De nos jours, la plupart des fabriquants de chaussures proposent des chaussures pour les jeunes joueurs de tennis qui sont des modèles réduits de celles des adultes. Cependant, les enfants ne sont pas des adultes-miniatures et ont des besoins spécifiques. Entre 8 et 12 ans, les enfants sont sujets à des poussées de croissance qui diminuent la flexibilité du membre inférieur et augmentent les forces de tension sur les sites d’insertions des tendons sur les os. De plus, la pratique du tennis à haute intensité, avec la répétition d’accélérations et décélérations, place d’importantes forces de tension au niveau de l’insertion du tendon d’Achille sur le calcaneus et d’importantes forces de compression sous le calcaneus. La combinaison de ces 2 facteurs augmente le risque de subir l’une des principales blessures de sursollicitaton chez les enfants : la maladie de Sever. Par conséquent, l’objectif de ce travail de thèse était de définir les caractéristiques d’un chaussant adapté au joueur de tennis enfant en terme de volume chaussant confortable et de limitation des blessures. Premièrement, une chaussette équipée de capteurs de pressions textiles a été conçue et la fiabilité de sa mesure a été validée. Ensuite, cet outil innovant a été utilisé afin de corréler la mesure de pression et la perception du confort sur 8 zones du pied, permettant ainsi de déterminer le volume intérieur de la chaussure optimal pour le joueur de tennis enfant. Deuxièmement, les effets aigus du drop de la chaussure sur la biomécanique des joueurs de tennis enfants ont été examinés et il a été montré que la réduction de 12 mm à 6 mm permettait de réduire les forces de réaction du sol et donc potentiellement les blessures liées à l’impact. Enfin, l’influence à long-terme de la réduction du drop de la chaussure sur la biomécanique et les douleurs au talon reportées par les jeunes joueurs de tennis a été investiguée. La réduction progressive du drop de la chaussure a induit un changement de patron de pose du pied, arrière vers avant-pied, pour la moitié des participants et a permis de supprimer leurs douleurs au talon. De futures études sont nécessaires pour examiner les adaptations structurelles du membre inférieur liées à l’utilisation de chaussures partiellement minimalistes. / Nowadays, most of tennis footwear manufacturers propose children tennis shoes that are scaled-down from adult shoes. However, children are not adult-miniature and have specific needs. Between 8 and 12 years old, children experience growth spurts that decrease the lower limb flexibility and increase the tensile forces on tendons insertion sites onto bones. In addition, the practice of tennis in high-intensity, with the repetition of accelerations and decelerations, places high tensile forces at the Achilles tendon insertion site onto the calcaneus and large compressive forces under the calcaneus. The combination of these 2 factors increase the risk to experience one of the main overuse injuries in children: Sever’s disease. Therefore, the aim of this thesis work was to define the features of a suitable footwear for children tennis players in terms of fitting comfort and limitation of injuries. Firstly, a sock equipped with textile pressure sensors was designed and its measurement reliability was validated. Then, this innovative device was used to correlate pressure measurement and comfort perception on 8 foot locations, allowing to determine the optimal inner-shoe volume for children tennis players. Secondly, the acute effects of shoe drop on the biomechanics of children tennis players were examined and it was shown that reducing from 12 mm to 6 mm allowed to reduce ground reaction forces and thus potentially impact-related injuries. Finally, the long-term influence of shoe drop reduction on the biomechanics and heel pain reported by children tennis players was investigated. The gradual reduction in shoe drop induced a switch from a rear- to forefoot strike pattern in half of the participants and allowed to remove heel pain for them. Future studies are needed to examine the lower-limb structural adaptations linked to the use of partial minimalist shoes.

No description available.

The popularity of running barefoot or in minimalist shoes has notably increased in the last decade due to claims of injury prevention, enhanced running efficiency, and improved performance when compared to running in shoes (shod). A systematic review of the literature was performed using the Downs and Black checklist to assess the methodological quality of studies proposing risks or benefits between running barefoot, shod, or in minimalist shoes. The databases Ovid MEDLINE, SPORTDiscus, and CINAHL were searched using keywords or "Booleans" including: "Barefoot", "Running" and "Minimalist," exclusively. All included articles were obtained from peer reviewed journals in the English language with a link to full text and no limit for year of publication. The final selection was made based on inclusion of at least one of the following outcome variables: pain, injury rate, running economy, joint forces, running velocity, electromyography, muscle performance, or edema. Significant results were gathered from identified articles and compared using "Levels of Evidence" by Furlan et al. Twenty-three publications were identified and rated for quality assessment in September 2013. Out of 27 possible points on the Downs and Black checklist, all articles scored between 13 and 19 points with a mean of 17.4. Evidence from the articles ranged from very limited to moderate. Moderate evidence suggested overall less maximum vertical ground reaction forces, less extension moment and power absorption at the knee, less foot and ankle dorsiflexion at ground contact, less ground contact time, shorter stride length, increased stride frequency (cadence), as well as increased knee flexion at ground contact in barefoot running compared to shod. The low scores from the quality assessment using the Downs and Black checklist indicates that improved methodological quality is necessary to provide strong evidence comparing the risks and benefits of running barefoot, shod, and in minimalist shoes. The literature between shod, minimalist, and barefoot running is inconclusive. There is limited evidence showing differences in kinematics, kinetics, electromyography, and economy results in minimalist shoes. Thus, an alternative and suitable method to effectively replicate barefoot running has not yet been determined.

Esta pesquisa investiga o comportamento sintático dos quantificadores flutuantes no português brasileiro (PB), dentro do modelo teórico do Programa Minimalista (Chomsky 1995) da Sintaxe Gerativa, buscando atingir dois objetivos principais: (i) identificar as posições na sentença em que os quantificadores podem ou não flutuar e (ii) identificar a estrutura sintagmática interna das expressões quantificadas. Com Sportiche (1988) assumimos que a flutuação de quantificadores é derivada por movimentos sintáticos e com Valmala Elguea (2008) assumimos que este fenômeno é relacionado ao conteúdo informacional da sentença. Dessa forma, adotamos a cartografia de projeções informacionais (de tópico e foco) proposta por Rizzi (1997) para a periferia esquerda alta da sentença e por Belletti (2004) para a periferia esquerda baixa (acima de VP). Argumentando que é preciso distinguir os tipos categoriais dos quantificadores para explicar por que alguns são capazes de flutuar no interior da sentença e outros não, mostramos que os quantificadores que projetam a categoria QP, como cada (um) e todos, são capazes de flutuar, enquanto quantificadores que projetam uma categoria igual ou menor que DP, como muitos, poucos, vários e alguns, são incapazes de flutuar no PB. Mostramos ainda como as diferenças estruturais internas entre todos (cujo DP associado é um complemento de Q0) e cada (um) (cujo DP associado é analisado como um adjunto de QP) podem explicar seu comportamento distinto em relação a algumas possibilidades de flutuação, considerando o cálculo de Minimalidade Relativizada entre QP e DP. A flutuação de quantificadores é | 10 | analisada como resultado da interação entre a estrutura sintagmática interna de cada expressão quantificada e outras propriedades da gramática (universais e específicas da língua) operantes ao longo da derivação e envolvidas sobretudo na checagem de Caso e na satisfação dos Critérios de Tópico e Foco. As possibilidades de flutuação devem respeitar a assimetria entre a periferia esquerda alta e a periferia esquerda baixa do PB em relação ao licenciamento de elementos com ou sem Caso sintático: enquanto DPs, NumPs e NPs que não foram licenciados na sintaxe podem ser superficializados com Caso default na periferia alta, a periferia baixa apenas pode superficializar DPs, NumPs e NPs licenciados antes de Spell-Out. Assumimos que quantificadores de categoria QP, além de poderem ter seu Caso licenciado na sintaxe por checagem, podem se licenciar na superfície por Caso default ou por Transmissão de Caso seja na periferia alta, na periferia baixa ou na posição temática propriedade que lhes garante a capacidade de flutuação. Propomos uma análise uniforme em que estruturas flutuantes e não-flutuantes podem ser geradas a partir de um mesmo constituinte subjacente inserido na posição temática, sendo distintas por seu percurso derivacional. Dessa forma, esta análise simplifica e uniformiza algumas questões presentes na literatura sobre a flutuação de quantificadores. / This research investigates the syntactic behavior of floating quantifiers in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), in the framework of the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995), aiming at two main goals: (i) to identify the sentence positions in which quantifiers can or cannot float and (ii) to identify the internal phrase structure of quantified expressions. I assume with Sportiche (1988) that quantifier floating is derived through syntactic movement and with Valmala Elguea (2008) that this phenomenon is related to the informational content of the sentence. Thus, I adopt the cartography of informational projections (topic and focus) proposed by Rizzi (1997) for the high left periphery of the sentence and by Belletti (2004) for the low left periphery (above VP). I argue that in order to explain why some quantifiers are able to float inside the sentence and some are not, it is necessary to distinguish the categorial types of quantifiers. I show that quantifiers that project as QPs, like cada (um) each (one) and todos all, are able to float, whereas quantifiers that project as DPs or lower categories, like muitos many, poucos few, vários several and alguns some, are unable to float in BP. We also show how internal structural differences between todos (whose associate DP is a complement of Q0) and cada (um) (whose associate DP is analyzed as an adjunct of QP) can explain their different behavior regarding some floating possibilities, given the computation of Relativized Minimality between QP and DP. Quantifier floating is analyzed here as the result of the interaction between the internal phrase structure of each quantified expression and other properties of the grammar (both universal and language| 12 | specific), in particular Case-checking and Topic and Focus Criteria. Floating possibilities must respect the asymmetry between the high and the low left peripheries in BP regarding the licensing of elements with or without syntactic Case: whereas DPs, NumPs and NPs that have not been licensed in the syntax can surface with default Case in the high periphery, the low periphery can only host DPs, NumPs and NPs that have already been licensed before Spell- Out. I assume that QP-type quantifiers, besides being able to have their Case licensed in the syntax via Checking, can be licensed on the surface via default Case or Case Transmission regardless of whether they are in the high left periphery, in the low left periphery or in the thematic position which is in fact the property that provides them with the ability to float. We propose a uniform analysis in which both floated and non-floated structures can be generated from the same underlying constituent inserted in the thematic position, being distinguished by their derivational course. Therefore, this analysis simplifies and unifies some issues present in the literature on quantifier floating.

Esta pesquisa investiga o comportamento sintático dos quantificadores flutuantes no português brasileiro (PB), dentro do modelo teórico do Programa Minimalista (Chomsky 1995) da Sintaxe Gerativa, buscando atingir dois objetivos principais: (i) identificar as posições na sentença em que os quantificadores podem ou não flutuar e (ii) identificar a estrutura sintagmática interna das expressões quantificadas. Com Sportiche (1988) assumimos que a flutuação de quantificadores é derivada por movimentos sintáticos e com Valmala Elguea (2008) assumimos que este fenômeno é relacionado ao conteúdo informacional da sentença. Dessa forma, adotamos a cartografia de projeções informacionais (de tópico e foco) proposta por Rizzi (1997) para a periferia esquerda alta da sentença e por Belletti (2004) para a periferia esquerda baixa (acima de VP). Argumentando que é preciso distinguir os tipos categoriais dos quantificadores para explicar por que alguns são capazes de flutuar no interior da sentença e outros não, mostramos que os quantificadores que projetam a categoria QP, como cada (um) e todos, são capazes de flutuar, enquanto quantificadores que projetam uma categoria igual ou menor que DP, como muitos, poucos, vários e alguns, são incapazes de flutuar no PB. Mostramos ainda como as diferenças estruturais internas entre todos (cujo DP associado é um complemento de Q0) e cada (um) (cujo DP associado é analisado como um adjunto de QP) podem explicar seu comportamento distinto em relação a algumas possibilidades de flutuação, considerando o cálculo de Minimalidade Relativizada entre QP e DP. A flutuação de quantificadores é | 10 | analisada como resultado da interação entre a estrutura sintagmática interna de cada expressão quantificada e outras propriedades da gramática (universais e específicas da língua) operantes ao longo da derivação e envolvidas sobretudo na checagem de Caso e na satisfação dos Critérios de Tópico e Foco. As possibilidades de flutuação devem respeitar a assimetria entre a periferia esquerda alta e a periferia esquerda baixa do PB em relação ao licenciamento de elementos com ou sem Caso sintático: enquanto DPs, NumPs e NPs que não foram licenciados na sintaxe podem ser superficializados com Caso default na periferia alta, a periferia baixa apenas pode superficializar DPs, NumPs e NPs licenciados antes de Spell-Out. Assumimos que quantificadores de categoria QP, além de poderem ter seu Caso licenciado na sintaxe por checagem, podem se licenciar na superfície por Caso default ou por Transmissão de Caso seja na periferia alta, na periferia baixa ou na posição temática propriedade que lhes garante a capacidade de flutuação. Propomos uma análise uniforme em que estruturas flutuantes e não-flutuantes podem ser geradas a partir de um mesmo constituinte subjacente inserido na posição temática, sendo distintas por seu percurso derivacional. Dessa forma, esta análise simplifica e uniformiza algumas questões presentes na literatura sobre a flutuação de quantificadores. / This research investigates the syntactic behavior of floating quantifiers in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), in the framework of the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995), aiming at two main goals: (i) to identify the sentence positions in which quantifiers can or cannot float and (ii) to identify the internal phrase structure of quantified expressions. I assume with Sportiche (1988) that quantifier floating is derived through syntactic movement and with Valmala Elguea (2008) that this phenomenon is related to the informational content of the sentence. Thus, I adopt the cartography of informational projections (topic and focus) proposed by Rizzi (1997) for the high left periphery of the sentence and by Belletti (2004) for the low left periphery (above VP). I argue that in order to explain why some quantifiers are able to float inside the sentence and some are not, it is necessary to distinguish the categorial types of quantifiers. I show that quantifiers that project as QPs, like cada (um) each (one) and todos all, are able to float, whereas quantifiers that project as DPs or lower categories, like muitos many, poucos few, vários several and alguns some, are unable to float in BP. We also show how internal structural differences between todos (whose associate DP is a complement of Q0) and cada (um) (whose associate DP is analyzed as an adjunct of QP) can explain their different behavior regarding some floating possibilities, given the computation of Relativized Minimality between QP and DP. Quantifier floating is analyzed here as the result of the interaction between the internal phrase structure of each quantified expression and other properties of the grammar (both universal and language| 12 | specific), in particular Case-checking and Topic and Focus Criteria. Floating possibilities must respect the asymmetry between the high and the low left peripheries in BP regarding the licensing of elements with or without syntactic Case: whereas DPs, NumPs and NPs that have not been licensed in the syntax can surface with default Case in the high periphery, the low periphery can only host DPs, NumPs and NPs that have already been licensed before Spell- Out. I assume that QP-type quantifiers, besides being able to have their Case licensed in the syntax via Checking, can be licensed on the surface via default Case or Case Transmission regardless of whether they are in the high left periphery, in the low left periphery or in the thematic position which is in fact the property that provides them with the ability to float. We propose a uniform analysis in which both floated and non-floated structures can be generated from the same underlying constituent inserted in the thematic position, being distinguished by their derivational course. Therefore, this analysis simplifies and unifies some issues present in the literature on quantifier floating.

This thesis paper explores barefoot and minimalist running in Ottawa, Ontario and Boulder, Colorado. The objective has been to answer the following questions: how can we understand barefoot and minimalist style running as cultures, how are barefoot and minimalist style running being done in different ways, how do the senses play out and create nuances between barefoot and minimalist style runners. I argue barefoot and minimalist running are distinct cultural forms. I applied an Ingoldian notion of culture that contends cultures are generative, relational, temporal and improvisational. I conducted a multi-site study and I interviewed participants, as well as conducted participant observation. My findings reveal that the different sensations experienced by the two styles of running make them meaningful in different ways. These different sensations and ways of meaning create nuances between barefoot and minimalist running and differentiate them and as a result, there are found to become different cultural forms.

Thesis (MA (General Linguistics))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / This study focuses on the internal structure of the CP in Afrikaans. Rizzi’s (1997) Split-CP Hypothesis serves as the starting-point; however, careful consideration is also given to the more recent proposals of Beninca’ and Poletto (2004). The aim of the study is to determine whether the proposals of Rizzi (1997) and Beninca’ and Poletto (2004) provide an adequate framework for the description of the CP-domain in Afrikaans. The study is presented within the theoretical framework of Minimalist Syntax. Specific adaptations to the Split-CP Hypothesis are suggested throughout the course of the discussion in an attempt to make the Split-CP Hypothesis compatible with the facts of Afrikaans. Finally, attention is also given to three problematic issues in Afrikaans that require further investigation.

Thesis (MA (General Linguistics))--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study deals with syntactic aspects of expletive daar (“there”) and dit (“it”) constructions in Afrikaans. Previous analyses of these constructions have mostly been of a non-formalistic nature (e.g. Barnes 1984; Donaldson 1993; Du Plessis 1977; Ponelis 1979, 1993). The present study investigates the properties of Afrikaans expletive constructions within the broad theoretical framework of Minimalist Syntax. Four recent minimalist analyses of expletive constructions in English, Dutch and German are set out, namely those proposed by Bowers (2002), Felser and Rupp (2001), Richards and Biberauer (2005), and Radford (2009). Against this background, an analysis is proposed of transitive, non-passive unaccusative, passive unaccusative, and unergative expletive constructions in Afrikaans. Throughout, the focus is on whether the devices available within Minimalist Syntax, and specifically the Expletive Conditions proposed by Radford (2009), provide an adequate framework in which the relevant facts of Afrikaans can be described and explained. Where required, modifications to the devices in question are proposed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie handel oor sintaktiese aspekte van ekspletiewe daar- en dit-konstruksies in Afrikaans. Vorige analises van dié konstruksies was grootliks nie-formalisties van aard (bv. Barnes 1984; Donaldson 1993; Du Plessis 1977; Ponelis 1979, 1993). Die huidige studie ondersoek die eienskappe van Afrikaanse ekspletiewe konstruksies binne die breë teoretiese raamwerk van Minimalistiese Sintaksis. Vier onlangse minimalistiese analises van ekspletiewe konstruksies in Engels, Nederlands en Duits word uiteengesit, naamlik dié wat voorgestel is deur Bowers (2002), Felser en Rupp (2001), Richards en Biberauer (2005), en Radford (2009). Teen hierdie agtergrond word ’n analise voorgestel van transitiewe, nie-passiewe onakkusatiewe, passiewe onakkusatiewe, en onergatiewe ekspletiewe konstruksies in Afrikaans. Die fokus is deurgaans op die vraag of die meganismes wat beskikbaar is binne Minimalistiese Sintaksis, en spesifiek die drie Ekspletiewe Voorwaardes wat voorgestel word deur Radford (2009), ’n toereikende raamwerk bied waarbinne die tersaaklike feite van Afrikaans beskryf en verklaar kan word. Waar nodig, word aanpassings aan die betrokke meganismes voorgestel.