Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation documents the emergence of a new language, Light Warlpiri, in the multilingual community of Lajamanu in northern Australia. It then examines the acquisition of Light Warlpiri language, and of the heritage language, Lajamanu Warlpiri, by children. Light Warlpiri has arisen from contact between Lajamanu Warlpiri (a Pama-Nyungan language), Kriol (an English-based creole), and varieties of English. It is a Mixed Language, meaning that none of its source languages can be considered to be the sole parent language. Most verbs and the verbal morphology are from Aboriginal English or Kriol, while most nouns and the nominal morphology are from Warlpiri. The language input to children is complex. Adults older than about thirty speak Lajamanu Warlpiri and code-switch into Aboriginal English or Kriol. Younger adults, the parents of the current cohort of children, speak Light Warlpiri and code-switch into Lajamanu Warlpiri and into Aboriginal English or Kriol. Lajamanu Warlpiri and Light Warlpiri, the two main input languages to children, both indicate A arguments with ergative case-marking (and they share one allomorph of the marker), but Lajamanu Warlpiri includes the marker much more consistently than Light Warlpiri. Word order is variable in both languages. Children learn both languages from birth, but they target Light Warlpiri as the language of their everyday interactions, and they speak it almost exclusively until four to six years of age. Adults and children show similar patterns of ergative marking and word order in Light Warlpiri. But differences between age groups are found in ergative marking in Lajamanu Warlpiri - for the oldest group of adults, ergative marking is obligatory, but for younger adults and children, it is not. Determining when children differentiate between two input languages has been a major goal in the study of bilingual acquisition. The two languages in this study share lexical and grammatical properties, making distinctions between them quite subtle. Both adults and children distribute ergative marking differently in the two languages, but show similar word order patterns in both. However the children show a stronger correlation between ergative marking and word order patterns than do the adults, suggesting that they are spearheading processes of language change. In their comprehension of sentences in both Lajamanu Warlpiri and Light Warlpiri, adults use a case-marking strategy to identify the A argument (i.e. N+erg = A argument, N-erg = O argument). The children are not adult-like in using this strategy at age 5, when they also used a word order strategy, but they gradually move towards being adult-like with increased age.

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation documents the emergence of a new language, Light Warlpiri, in the multilingual community of Lajamanu in northern Australia. It then examines the acquisition of Light Warlpiri language, and of the heritage language, Lajamanu Warlpiri, by children. Light Warlpiri has arisen from contact between Lajamanu Warlpiri (a Pama-Nyungan language), Kriol (an English-based creole), and varieties of English. It is a Mixed Language, meaning that none of its source languages can be considered to be the sole parent language. Most verbs and the verbal morphology are from Aboriginal English or Kriol, while most nouns and the nominal morphology are from Warlpiri. The language input to children is complex. Adults older than about thirty speak Lajamanu Warlpiri and code-switch into Aboriginal English or Kriol. Younger adults, the parents of the current cohort of children, speak Light Warlpiri and code-switch into Lajamanu Warlpiri and into Aboriginal English or Kriol. Lajamanu Warlpiri and Light Warlpiri, the two main input languages to children, both indicate A arguments with ergative case-marking (and they share one allomorph of the marker), but Lajamanu Warlpiri includes the marker much more consistently than Light Warlpiri. Word order is variable in both languages. Children learn both languages from birth, but they target Light Warlpiri as the language of their everyday interactions, and they speak it almost exclusively until four to six years of age. Adults and children show similar patterns of ergative marking and word order in Light Warlpiri. But differences between age groups are found in ergative marking in Lajamanu Warlpiri - for the oldest group of adults, ergative marking is obligatory, but for younger adults and children, it is not. Determining when children differentiate between two input languages has been a major goal in the study of bilingual acquisition. The two languages in this study share lexical and grammatical properties, making distinctions between them quite subtle. Both adults and children distribute ergative marking differently in the two languages, but show similar word order patterns in both. However the children show a stronger correlation between ergative marking and word order patterns than do the adults, suggesting that they are spearheading processes of language change. In their comprehension of sentences in both Lajamanu Warlpiri and Light Warlpiri, adults use a case-marking strategy to identify the A argument (i.e. N+erg = A argument, N-erg = O argument). The children are not adult-like in using this strategy at age 5, when they also used a word order strategy, but they gradually move towards being adult-like with increased age.

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation documents the emergence of a new language, Light Warlpiri, in the multilingual community of Lajamanu in northern Australia. It then examines the acquisition of Light Warlpiri language, and of the heritage language, Lajamanu Warlpiri, by children. Light Warlpiri has arisen from contact between Lajamanu Warlpiri (a Pama-Nyungan language), Kriol (an English-based creole), and varieties of English. It is a Mixed Language, meaning that none of its source languages can be considered to be the sole parent language. Most verbs and the verbal morphology are from Aboriginal English or Kriol, while most nouns and the nominal morphology are from Warlpiri. The language input to children is complex. Adults older than about thirty speak Lajamanu Warlpiri and code-switch into Aboriginal English or Kriol. Younger adults, the parents of the current cohort of children, speak Light Warlpiri and code-switch into Lajamanu Warlpiri and into Aboriginal English or Kriol. Lajamanu Warlpiri and Light Warlpiri, the two main input languages to children, both indicate A arguments with ergative case-marking (and they share one allomorph of the marker), but Lajamanu Warlpiri includes the marker much more consistently than Light Warlpiri. Word order is variable in both languages. Children learn both languages from birth, but they target Light Warlpiri as the language of their everyday interactions, and they speak it almost exclusively until four to six years of age. Adults and children show similar patterns of ergative marking and word order in Light Warlpiri. But differences between age groups are found in ergative marking in Lajamanu Warlpiri - for the oldest group of adults, ergative marking is obligatory, but for younger adults and children, it is not. Determining when children differentiate between two input languages has been a major goal in the study of bilingual acquisition. The two languages in this study share lexical and grammatical properties, making distinctions between them quite subtle. Both adults and children distribute ergative marking differently in the two languages, but show similar word order patterns in both. However the children show a stronger correlation between ergative marking and word order patterns than do the adults, suggesting that they are spearheading processes of language change. In their comprehension of sentences in both Lajamanu Warlpiri and Light Warlpiri, adults use a case-marking strategy to identify the A argument (i.e. N+erg = A argument, N-erg = O argument). The children are not adult-like in using this strategy at age 5, when they also used a word order strategy, but they gradually move towards being adult-like with increased age.

Gauteng is one of South Africa’s nine provinces, and is representative of a diversity of languages and cultures. It is a linguistic and cultural melting pot with all eleven official languages spoken in the province. Because of the language contact situation in this province, languages tend to influence one another and this results in situations wherein a majority of speakers are bi- or multilingual. Instances of code-switching, code-mixing, and lexical borrowing (or adoption) are also abounding. In Gauteng, young and old black people tend to use black urban speech varieties. Nonstandard black urban speech varieties such as Tsotsitaal and Is’camtho have been studied extensively in South Africa. The study of black urban language varieties in Gauteng, particularly in English, has not received much attention from sociolinguists and has only been discussed in passing by scholars (see Calteaux, 1994). Studies on Tsotsitaal and Is’camtho have attempted to discuss the structure of and reasons for the employment of these varieties. In conducting the research on black youth slang in English, this study is an attempt at contributing to available research on slang in South Africa. Studies on slang have focused on other language groups and regions. However, no attempts have been made at describing the slang of black youth in Gauteng Province, particularly those who are not L1 speakers of English. The present study aims at contributing to the study of non-standard black urban speech varieties such as Tsotsitaal and Is’camtho. The current study tries to provide a sociolinguistic description of the slang used by black youth in Gauteng, who use English as a second language (L2) or additional language (AL). The research begins with definitions and explanations of concepts relevant to the investigation. The study defines such terms as ‘slang’, ‘black’, ‘youth’ and ‘youth culture’ amongst others. The theoretical approach used in this study is also discussed in this section. Black youth slang in English (hereafter referred to as BYSE) in Gauteng (GP) is discussed in relation to other non-standard black urban language varieties such as Tsotsitaal and Is’camtho. This serves to explain how BYSE differs from the two varieties. The functions of slang as outlined by previous researchers on the subject are also discussed, with the intention of using these as a benchmark to the present study. This study used both qualitative and quantitative methods of research. These included a combination of written questionnaires, interviews (group discussions), and personal observations. The two methodologies were necessary in an attempt to arrive at a better comprehension of the slang used by the group under investigation. The data gathered served to investigate the reasons for using slang and the functions the words they employ serve, by looking at the slang as used in particular contexts as well as at the lexical items they employ. The study also looks at how their use of slang tends to draw on the lexicon from other languages spoken in the Province. The data gathered from the written questionnaires was then sent to Statkon, at the University of Johannesburg, for analysis. The researcher further used interviews (group discussions) and personal observations to augment the results from the questionnaires. The researcher adopts the notion of slang as a register according to use and discusses the findings according to Halliday’s theoretical stance of language as social practice (1978). Emphasis is on dimensions such as field, mode and tenor of discourse as relevant to this study in an attempt to explain the contexts of situation in which the youth under investigation use slang. The research also considers other social aspects of language variation as relevant to this study. The study concludes with recommendations on the need for further research on the language of youth. Amongst others is the recommendation it makes about the study of youth language (particularly slang) and its educational implications in the language classroom. / Dr. Anne-Marie Beukes

Deux principales langues d’Haïti (créole et français) se trouvent « mélangées » dans le contexte d’interactions sociopolitiques, intercommunautaires et sociodidactiques. Les périodes des élections présidentielles allant de 2000 à 2011 ont mis en lumière dans les discours publics une dynamique de pratiques ordinaires « inter-résolectales » et son corollaire d’insécurité « socio-pragma-linguistique ». Cette dynamique à l’oral s’inscrit dans l’histoire de l’île et de la société de plantation que les puissances coloniales y ont imposée. Cela génère des problèmes glottopolitiques. En s’appuyant sur théories du contexte, convoquées à partir d’un double ancrage interactionniste et variationniste, cette thèse tente de questionner, diagnostiquer, comprendre et modifier la place problématique de l’oral dans le système éducatif haïtien. Les résultats des analyses montrent une inégalité de réussite scolaire, professionnelle et universitaire, à cause de l’inadéquation et de la rupture entre les pratiques linguistiques scolaires et extrascolaires. Une démarche pragmatique est préconisée pour une didactique de l’oral haïtien, à l’aide de fiches techniques, pour tenter d’améliorer les pratiques scolaires en transposant les pratiques ordinaires dans l’enseignement. / Two main languages of Haiti (creole and french) are " mixed " in the context of socio-political, intercommunal and sociodidactics interactions. The periods of presidential elections from 2000 to 2011 have highlighted in public discourse dynamics ordinary "inter-resolectal" practices and its corollary of "socio-pragma-linguistic" insecurity. This oral dynamic is part of the history of the island and plantation society that colonial powers have imposed. This generates glottopolitic problems. Based on theories of context, called from a double interactionist and variationist anchor, this thesis attempts to question, diagnose, understand and change the problematic of the oral part of Haiti's education system. The results of the analysis show an unequal of educational, professional and academic achievement, because of the inadequacy and the breakout between school and extracurricular linguistic practices. A pragmatic approach is advocated for the teaching of haitian oral , with datasheets, to try to improve school practices by transposing ordinary practices in teaching. / De lang prensipal (kreyòl ak fransè) "melanje" nan kontèks entèyaksyon sosyopolitik, entèkominotè ak sosyodidaktik an Ayiti. Peryòd eleksyon prezidansyèl sòti nan lane 2000 rive 2011 yo fè parèt nan diskou piblik dinamik pratik òdinatè "entè-rezolektal" ak konsekans li ki se ensekirite " sosyo-pragma-lengwistik. " Dinamik oral sa a sòti nan listwa zile a ak sosyete plantè yo nan enpozisyon pouvwa kolonyal yo. Sa a vin bay pwoblèm glotopolitik. Sou baz teyori kontèks, apati yon doub ankraj intèyaksyonis ak varyasyionis, tèz sa ap eseye kesyonnen, fè dyagnostik, konprann ak modifye plas pwoblematik oral la nan sistèm edikatif ayisyen an. Rezilta analiz yo montre inegalite nan siksè edikatif, pwofesyonèl ak inivèsitè, akoz inadekwasyon ak blokaj ki genyen ant pratik lengwistik anndan ak andeyò lekòl yo. Yon demach pragmatik defann plas yon didaktik oral ayisyen , gras ak kèk fich teknik , pou amelyore pratik lekòl nan transpozisyon pratik òdinè yo nan ansèyman.

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Orientador: Maria Viviane do Amaral Veras / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T03:48:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bueno_ThaisRibeiro_M.pdf: 823992 bytes, checksum: c6729e69eab67c4473cd6a137925372d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Historicamente, a tradução tem sido pensada em função de pares dicotômicos (original/tradução; autor/tradutor; domesticação/estrangeirização; língua-fonte/línguaalvo), raciocínio que revela a crença na possibilidade de uma língua homogênea e estanque. Contudo, em comunidades cuja política e sociedade são fortemente marcadas por fatores de heterogeneidade étnica e linguística, tal crença fica abalada, sobretudo, quando se nota a enorme diversidade de línguas decorrente dessa heterogeneidade, tanto nas interações entre os falantes quanto na literatura. Esse é o caso da literatura chicana, que constitui o corpus desta pesquisa, sendo representada por Gloria Anzaldúa e Rolando Hinojosa, autores de Borderlands/La Frontera - The New Mestiza e Dear Rafe/Mi Querido Rafa, respectivamente. Tais obras, guardadas suas singularidades, apresentam marcas de heterogeneidade linguística (a escrita construída a partir do inglês, do espanhol e até mesmo do nahuatl, língua falada no império asteca; o codeswitching [ou alternância de código]; o braiding languages [ou entrelaçamento de línguas]; a subversão dos limites dos gêneros textuais) que desafiam qualquer projeto tradutório que se paute por noções tradicionais de língua e tradução. Com base nesse panorama, analisamos neste trabalho as possibilidades de reflexão que as obras do corpus podem oferecer ao campo dos estudos da tradução e as consequências de tal reflexão para a ética e para o tradutor (se é possível pensarmos em um único perfil). Tal reflexão é feita com base em conceitos e ideias propostos por linguistas, tradutores e teóricos da tradução de linha pós-estruturalista, tais como Lawrence Venuti, Kanavillil Rajagopalan e Alexis Nouss, pensadores de orientação pós-moderna, como Jacques Derrida, e teóricos de linha pós-colonialista, como Homi Bhabha / Abstract: Translation theories have been historically based on dichotomies (original/translation; author/translator; domestication/foreignisation; source language/target language). Such discourse unveils the belief in the possibility of linguistic homogeneity. Nevertheless, such belief becomes unsustainable in communities which politics and society are expressly marked by ethnic and linguistic heterogeneity issues, and mainly by the enormous range of linguistic diversity due to such heterogeneity, among speakers and in the literature. Chicano literature is an example, and two of the major Chicano works constitute the corpus of this research: Gloria Anzaldúa's Borderlands/La Frontera - The New Mestiza and Rolando Hinojosa's Dear Rafe/Mi Querido Rafa. Besides their own singularities, these two books are marked by linguistic heterogeneity (the writing is based on English, Spanish and Nahuatl, originally spoken in the Aztec empire; the codeswitching, the braiding languages; the transgression of genre boundaries) and defy any attempt of translation based on traditionalist language conceptions. Based on that, we propose an analysis of how the corpus of this research allows new possibilities of thinking translation and the consequences of these analyses for a translation ethics and for the translator (if we can think in such terms). Such analysis is based on concepts and ideas proposed by poststructuralist linguists, translators and translation theorists such as Lawrence Venuti, Kanavillil Rajagopalan, and Alexis Nouss. We also base our study on the works of postmodern thinkers, such as Jacques Derrida, and postcolonialist writers, such as Homi Bhabha / Mestrado / Teoria, Pratica e Ensino da Tradução / Mestre em Linguística Aplicada