This paper discuses the British Labour government's social, economic and military policies in Iraq between 1945 and 1948. The ability of the Iraqi monarchy to adapt to the British policies after World War II is discussed. The British were trying to put more social justice into the Iraqi regime in order to keep British influence and to increase the Iraqi regime's stability against the Arab nationalist movement.

No description available.

Yes

This dissertation investigates the role of the printing press in the global Iberian Monarchy of the Union of Crowns (1581-1640), when the Portuguese empire was annexed to Spain’s. I argue that the book printer Pedro Craesbeeck and the authors and editors who published works treating America, Africa, and Asia at his Lisbon house used the printing press to attempt to alter the Iberian Monarchy’s commercial and political composition. Pedro Craesbeeck reconfigured the printing industry of Iberian Europe by building a global publishing hub in Lisbon that attracted editorial projects from all over the monarchy while drawing business away from competitors in cities like Madrid, Antwerp, and Seville. Writers and publishers symbolically rearranged the two Iberian empires’ lines of administration, tying Spanish America to Lisbon and Portuguese Asia to Madrid through a variety of textual and material operations. These agents of the Iberian book trade wielded the printing press as a mechanism to ‘re-compose’ the global monarchy they inhabited, exploiting the flexibility of a multi-territorial, multi-jurisdictional state while working within and around the limitations imposed by the institutions of Church and Crown. Pedro Craesbeeck’s press gives us stories of global linkages and disconnections forged in productive tension. This thesis makes a crucial contribution to studies of early modern globalization, which have tended to focus on tracking connections and circulations rather than dynamics of reconfiguration and redistribution. The dissertation also problematizes longstanding views of the printing press as a top-down tool of the Habsburg monarchs by showing that this technology enabled subjects to participate in the monarchy’s construction according to their individual designs. The dissertation makes these claims by closely analyzing the textual and material contents of printed histories, hagiographies, treatises, reports, and poetry in Spanish and Portuguese alongside archival documentation in those languages and Latin, as well as large sets of bibliographical data. Among the canonical works that occupy a prominent place in the dissertation are Mateo Alemán’s Segunda parte de la vida de Guzmán de Alfarache, Inca Garcilaso de la Vega’s La Florida del Inca and Comentarios reales, Luís de Camões’s Os lusíadas, Fernão Mendes Pinto’s Peregrinaçam, and Diogo do Couto’s Décadas da Ásia. I also bring to light a range of little-known works: a hagiography of an ascetic in New Spain, a treatise on the corruption of the Caribbean pearl trade, and a discourse on the short-lived Portuguese takeover of Pegu (current-day Bago, Myanmar), to name a few. By building a corpus of study out of Pedro Craesbeeck’s press, I put into dialogue texts rarely read together due to linguistic and national disciplinary divides. The categories of Spanish, Portuguese, peninsular, and colonial literature, history, and culture dissolve, giving way to a global Iberian perspective.

Diss. / Includes bibliographical references and index.

This thesis discusses the sources of royal power in the kingdoms of Argead Makedonia and early Ptolemaic Egypt. The overarching aim is to assess the degree of change and continuity between the structures and networks that framed Argead and Ptolemaic royal power. Viewing power not as an abstraction but as the outcome of the real and observable interrelations between individuals and groups, this thesis builds upon the historical sociology of Michael Mann in order to identify four main sources of royal power: dynastic, courtly, military and economic. In their capacity to enhance or limit royal power, the social networks that are formed between the king and representatives of these groups in each context, as well as the structures that produce and reproduce their behaviour, form the focal points of this research. As such, this thesis distances itself from that segment of socio-historical tradition, which grants ultimate primacy to human agency. The Introduction presents the main scholarly debates surrounding the nature of Ptolemaic and Argead kingship and highlights the fact that although both have received considerable attention separately, they have not yet been the focus of a systematic, comparative analysis. At the same time, this chapter brings in the theoretical and methodological framework employed in the thesis. Chapter One discusses the structural organisation of the dynasty, focusing on patterns of marriage and succession, and the manipulation of dynastic connections, real or constructed, as instruments of legitimation. It is argued that the colonial circumstances in early Ptolemaic Egypt led to an amplification of the importance of the dynasty as a source of power. Chapter Two examines the interrelations of the ruler with his extended circle of friends and associates, i.e. the courtiers. A discussion of the physical and social structure of the courts in Aigai, Pella and Alexandria in the early Ptolemaic period confirms that administration at the highest level continued to be organised around personal relations. Chapter Three identifies the enabling mechanisms, which sustained the military power of the Makedonian king. It is argued that royal military leadership and the integration of facets of military organisation (e.g. the institution of klerouchia) and values (through education) in society remained integral to the social organisation of early Ptolemaic Egypt. Finally, Chapter Four examines the economic power of the ruler, as revealed by the organisation of property rights. The absence of the Makedones and the prominence of temples as economically significant groups in early Ptolemaic Egypt underline the structural discontinuities that arise from the necessary adaptation to different local conditions. This thesis concludes that the structures that framed Argead royal power were in their majority remembered and instantiated in the organisational practices of the early Ptolemaic rulers. Deviations from the Argead paradigm occurred when pragmatism led to the introduction of corrective practices, such as the co-regency principle aimed at eradicating the dynastic instability that had plagued the Argead monarchy, and when ecological and political considerations, such as the needs of their non-Hellenic, non-Makedonian audience, dictated a greater degree of accommodation to local conditions, especially in the field of economic organisation. Even there, however, one can discern the influence of the flexible, all-inclusive model of Argead administration of its New Lands as an organisational template.

Sebbene Filippo V sia uno dei monarchi antichi meglio attestati nella tradizione letteraria ed epigrafica, la complessità della sua regalità sfugge ancora alla ricerca storica moderna, che finora ha preferito concentrarsi sulla coeva espansione romana nel Mediterraneo. Dopo la vecchia monografia di Walbank (1940; 19602), la tesi costituisce dunque la prima analisi politica della basileia di Filippo V e della sua relazione con le leghe greche alla fine del III secolo a.C. La ricerca collega all'orizzonte politico e istituzionale ellenistico i primi 12 anni di governo di Filippo V (229-217 a.C.) ripercorrendo le fasi dell’azione politica del re: una prima fase riguarda principalmente il ruolo di Filippo durante la reggenza e il regno di Antigono Dosone; una seconda fase esplora tra il 222 e il 220 l'inizio della guerra con gli Etoli; una terza sezione è dedicata all'apertura di un fronte navale nel 219 e al successo della campagna etolica. La quarta parte indaga sull'impegno del 218 in Peloponneso di Filippo, mentre l'ultima sezione approfondisce l’azione diplomatica e militare di Filippo nel 217 e gli accordi di pace a Naupatto. Anche grazie alla buona documentazione epigrafica e letteraria, Filippo V è un paradigma unico per ridefinire il significato della regalità ellenistica. Considerando i suoi legami dinastici, la politica giudiziaria, le innovazioni militari, le relazioni diplomatiche e le riforme amministrative prima dell'intervento romano in Oriente, la ricerca tenta di fornire una prima descrizione e un'analisi della monarchia macedone matura e della sua relazione con il mondo greco; cerca inoltre di stabilire le caratteristiche della regalità ellenistica macedone nel momento dell’incontro con la potenza romana, nel tentativo di distinguere le sue peculiarità nel III secolo rispetto a quelle dell'età di Alessandro, a prescindere dalle deformazioni della propaganda di parte romana. / Although Philip V is one of the best epigraphically and literarily attested ancient monarchs, the structure, performance, and the rationale of his kingship still elude modern scholarship, which has hitherto preferred to focus on the coeval Roman expansion in the Mediterranean. The following is the first political analysis of the ancient Macedonian basileia and its relation with the Greek Leagues at the end of the 3rd century BC. The research connects the first 12 years of rule of Philip V (229-217 BC.) to the Hellenistic political and institutional horizon, and distinguishes five chronological stages of Philip’s reign according to the political agency of the king: an early stage between Demetrios II’s death in 229 and 222, mainly concerned with Philip’s role during Antigonos Doson’s rule and the ascension to the throne; a second phase between 222 and 220 exploring the beginning of the war with the Aitolians; a third section devoted to the opening of a naval front in 219 and the successful Aitolian campaign. Part four investigates Philip’s 218 Peloponnesian engagement, while the last section expands on Philip’s 217 diplomatic and military agency and the peace agreements in Naupactos. Considering his dynastic ties, court politics, military innovations, diplomatic relations and administrative reforms before the Roman intervention in the East, the work attempts to provide a source-based first description and analysis of the mature Macedonian monarchy and its relation with the Greek world. It tries to establish the features of the Mediterranean kingship encountered by the Roman expansion, in the attempt to distinguish those attested in 3rd century Macedonia from those inferred from Alexander’s age evidence, and from the Roman biased propaganda.

MAIR / Department of Development Studies / The study investigates the issue of human rights on whether there can be a balance or relationship between monarchical rights and human rights in Southern Africa, paying particular attention to the small monarchical kingdom of Eswatini. The study seeks to examine how traditional monarchies in the 21st century treats the issue of human rights bearing in mind the fact that the current global system highly believes in upholding the fundamental freedoms and rights of the people. As a case study, this study seeks to examine the major reasons behind the Kingdom of Eswatini’s continued adherence to a monarchical system and also how the regional and international bodies like the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the United Nations (UN) are doing in terms of addressing the continued violation of human rights in the Kingdom of Eswatini. Qualitative research methodology will be employed to gather data. The research will contribute to the African studies discourse, especially on the nexus between monarchical rights and human rights. Volunteer sampling will be used to get participants for the study and would be drawn mainly from academics, local chiefs/political leaders and also some of the elderly citizens. / NRF

L’objectif principal de ce travail est de vérifier si le statut de la culture à la télévision nationale pourrait être un indicateur sur la mise en place d’un processus démocratique au Maroc. La réforme de l’audiovisuel constitue un prétexte pour observer la portée des discours réformistes, surtout quand ils sont annoncés par des régimes autoritaires. Comme nous voulons aborder un aspect spécifique d’une politique sectorielle, il serait utile de l’intégrer dans le climat global où elle évolue. En s’intéressant au passé colonial du pays, nous comprendrons les fondements du régime marocain ainsi que les relations qu’il entretient avec les différentes composantes du paysage politique.Les relations entre la monarchie et la religion, la politique et les médias, et le peuple marocain, contribueront à exposer la problématique du nouveau rôle que les réformes jouent dans la réaffirmation des régimes autoritaires. Les élections de 2011 ont permis l’accès des islamistes au gouvernement. L’élaboration des cahiers des charges de l’audiovisuel public par le ministère de tutelle provoquera un affrontement avec les vrais détenteurs de pouvoir sur ce domaine. Grâce aux conditions de la mise en application de ces textes, nous verrons comment les enjeux politiques influencent les décisions des différents acteurs, car nous souhaitons participer à poser un regard différent sur les démarches de modernisation d’un pays comme le Maroc. / This paper primarily seeks to verify whether the status of culture on Moroccan national television could be an indicator of the implementation of a democratic process in Morocco. Audiovisual reform is a pretext for observing the scope of reformist discourse, especially when such discourse is delivered by authoritarian regimes. As we intend to examine a specific aspect of policy in a given sector, it would be interesting to place it in the broader context in which it evolves. We shall take a close look at the country's colonial past to better understand the foundations of the Moroccan regime and the relations that it nurtures with the various stakeholders in the political landscape.We will use the relations between the monarchy and religion, politics and the media, and the Moroccan people to present the problematic of how authoritarian regimes now use reforms as a new way of reasserting their authority. The 2011 elections brought Islamists into the government. In the audiovisual sector, we can expect a confrontation between the true holders of power in this field and the ministry in charge of the sector when it comes to drafting the terms of reference for public radios and televisions. We shall examine how political stakes influence the decisions of the various professionals through the conditions for implementing these texts; for we wish to participate in viewing from a different angle, the modernization processes of a country such as Morocco.

L’objectif principal de ce travail est de vérifier si le statut de la culture à la télévision nationale pourrait être un indicateur sur la mise en place d’un processus démocratique au Maroc. La réforme de l’audiovisuel constitue un prétexte pour observer la portée des discours réformistes, surtout quand ils sont annoncés par des régimes autoritaires. Comme nous voulons aborder un aspect spécifique d’une politique sectorielle, il serait utile de l’intégrer dans le climat global où elle évolue. En s’intéressant au passé colonial du pays, nous comprendrons les fondements du régime marocain ainsi que les relations qu’il entretient avec les différentes composantes du paysage politique.Les relations entre la monarchie et la religion, la politique et les médias, et le peuple marocain, contribueront à exposer la problématique du nouveau rôle que les réformes jouent dans la réaffirmation des régimes autoritaires. Les élections de 2011 ont permis l’accès des islamistes au gouvernement. L’élaboration des cahiers des charges de l’audiovisuel public par le ministère de tutelle provoquera un affrontement avec les vrais détenteurs de pouvoir sur ce domaine. Grâce aux conditions de la mise en application de ces textes, nous verrons comment les enjeux politiques influencent les décisions des différents acteurs, car nous souhaitons participer à poser un regard différent sur les démarches de modernisation d’un pays comme le Maroc. / This paper primarily seeks to verify whether the status of culture on Moroccan national television could be an indicator of the implementation of a democratic process in Morocco. Audiovisual reform is a pretext for observing the scope of reformist discourse, especially when such discourse is delivered by authoritarian regimes. As we intend to examine a specific aspect of policy in a given sector, it would be interesting to place it in the broader context in which it evolves. We shall take a close look at the country's colonial past to better understand the foundations of the Moroccan regime and the relations that it nurtures with the various stakeholders in the political landscape.We will use the relations between the monarchy and religion, politics and the media, and the Moroccan people to present the problematic of how authoritarian regimes now use reforms as a new way of reasserting their authority. The 2011 elections brought Islamists into the government. In the audiovisual sector, we can expect a confrontation between the true holders of power in this field and the ministry in charge of the sector when it comes to drafting the terms of reference for public radios and televisions. We shall examine how political stakes influence the decisions of the various professionals through the conditions for implementing these texts; for we wish to participate in viewing from a different angle, the modernization processes of a country such as Morocco.