Thesis (M. Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 63-65).

Thesis (M.Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 63-65) Also available in print.

Submitted by Leonardo Cavalcante (leo.ocavalcante@gmail.com) on 2018-04-19T19:20:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivototal.pdf: 19768456 bytes, checksum: 16848216c52d9fbdc1f1a2efd62216e9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-19T19:20:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivototal.pdf: 19768456 bytes, checksum: 16848216c52d9fbdc1f1a2efd62216e9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-26 / This thesis is about the political struggle performed by the people who daily experience the most perverse effects of the process of capital's productive restructuring in semi-periphery countries, especially in the urban peripheries of Brazil - the hyperprecariat. Face to the multiple forms of resistance expression and insurgency starred by subalternized population groups in Brazilian cities, those binded to the issue of housing are certainly the most prominent, not only because it is a basic right that is not universalized, but also because of the deeply selective characteristic that characterizes the production of urban space in the country. In a national scenario marked by the generalized sensation of crisis, by the increment of proto-fascist manifestations and by a worrisome advance of capital over the incipient social rights conquered, there has been occurring the deepening of the critical situation that has affected the emancipatory movements in the last three decades. In this context, it is important the necessity to reflect about contradictions that mark the political-doing of the people who belong to the hyperprecariat social spheres, in the perspective of revealing their most intimate conditions. In order to accomplish this task, we will rest our analysis on the experiences of struggle for housing articulated by 'Free land - Popular Movement of the Countryside and the City' in João Pessoa-PB. Looking at the daily life of the territories built by and from the political struggle performed by the mentioned social movement, we aim to highlight their spatial practices, emphasizing the contradictions inscribed in them, pointing out, besides the specificities that frame the political-doing of the urban hyperprecariat, their possibilities and limits. The reflections developed during this research allowed to formulate the thesis that the hyperprecariat, when put in moviment in the search for the realization of the right to housing, promotes a contradictory territorialisation of the struggle, full of specificities and characterized, among other aspects, by the coexistence of socio-spatial practices insurgents and repetitives of the established order. / Esta tese versa sobre a luta política travada pelos sujeitos que vivenciam cotidianamente os efeitos mais perversos do processo de reestruturação produtiva do capital em países semiperiféricos, especialmente nas periferias urbanas do Brasil - o hiperprecariado. Dentre as múltiplas formas de expressão da resistência e insurgência protagonizadas pelas camadas populacionais subalternizadas nas cidades brasileiras, aquelas vinculadas à questão da moradia são certamente as mais proeminentes, não apenas porque se trata de um direito básico longe de ser universalizado, mas também em função do caráter profundamente seletivo que caracteriza a produção do espaço urbano no país. Em um cenário nacional marcado pela sensação generalizada de crise, pelo recrudescimento de manifestações protofascistas e por um preocupante avanço do capital sobre os incipientes direitos sociais conquistados, vem ocorrendo o aprofundamento do quadro crítico que se abateu sobre os movimentos sociais nas últimas três décadas. Nesse contexto, urge a necessidade de refletir sobre as contradições que marcam o fazer-político dos sujeitos pertencentes aos estratos sociais hiperprecarizados, na perspectiva de desvelar seus condicionantes mais íntimos. Para consecução de tal tarefa, repousaremos nossas análises sobre as experiências de luta pela moradia empreendidas pelo ‘Terra Livre – Movimento Popular do Campo e da Cidade’ em João Pessoa-PB. Debruçando-nos sobre o cotidiano dos territórios construídos por e a partir da luta política travada pelo mencionado movimento social, objetivamos colocar em relevo suas práticas espaciais, enfatizando as contradições nelas inscritas, a fim de apontar, além das especificidades que emolduram o fazer-político do hiperprecariado urbano, suas possibilidades e limites. As reflexões desenvolvidas ao longo desta pesquisa permitiram a formulação da tese de que o hiperprecariado, ao se colocar em movimento na busca pela efetivação do direito à moradia, promove uma territorialização contraditória da luta, prenhe de especificidades e caracterizada, entre outros aspectos, pela coexistência de práticas sócio-espaciais insurgentes e reiterativas da ordem vigente.

Submitted by ANA KARLA PEREIRA RODRIGUES (anakarla_@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-12T13:37:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2257735 bytes, checksum: 98daa949db5a0eadca50d531c04899b3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-12T13:37:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2257735 bytes, checksum: 98daa949db5a0eadca50d531c04899b3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The present work analyzes the socio-political experiences and struggles of women in the Seridó and Curimataú regions of Paraíba during the 1990s, attempting to problematize their actions and the changes that took place throughout the process, since the constitution of new power spaces were growing, such as the formation of two NGOs, the "Centro de Educação Popular", popularly known by Cenep in the city of Nova Palmeira, and the "Centro de Educação e Organização Popular" (Ceop), in the city of Picuí, both were established as non-profit organizations with ideologies focused on social and popular issues. It also seeks to reflect on the articulations established between the Catholic Church adept at Liberation Theology, the formation of the "Partido dos Trabalhadores" (PT) in some cities of the regions, and the founding of una union, such as the "Sindicato dos Servidores Públicos Municipais do Curimataú" (Sinpuc) in 1992. From the collected documents and interviews, besides reading about the historiography of the time, we noticed that in regions of Seridó and Curimataú paraibanos a network of civil mobilizations around these and of several other questions and interests that compose the sociopolitical universe. It's certain by the analysis of the sources, a strong sharing of social, political and economic dissatisfaction is evident, in which groups, mostly composed of women, have organized themselves to undermine the daily problems resulting from public administrations and to claim places of power restricted to some elite, inheritances of practices and political cultures visualized both at the state level and in a national context, a fact that directly influences civil and popular articulations in the regions. From the theoretical-methodological point of view, the dissertation was developed in the field of New Political History in dialogue with Cultural History, receiving contributions from the historian Edward Palmer Thompson through the concept of experience. Here the culture category is an important field of analysis, because it enables different ways of understanding around the thoughts of the subjects studied, which operates through customs, traditions, rituals, desires and feelings, fundamental aspects to perceive the lived experiences and changes behaviors acquired over time. / Este trabalho analisa as experiências e lutas sociopolíticas de mulheres nas regiões do Seridó e Curimataú paraibanos, durante a década de 1990, intencionando problematizar suas atuações e as mudanças que se gestaram ao longo do processo, uma vez que a constituição de novos espaços de poder foram se edificando, como a formação de duas ONGs, o Centro de Educação Popular, popularmente conhecimento por Cenep, na cidade de Nova Palmeira, e o Centro de Educação e Organização Popular, o Ceop, na cidade de Picuí, entidades sem fins lucrativos com ideologias voltadas para as questões sociais e populares. Também busca refletir sobre as articulações firmadas entre Igreja Católica, adepta à Teologia da Libertação, formação do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) em algumas cidades das regiões, e a fundação de um sindicato, como foi o caso do Sindicato dos Servidores Públicos Municipais do Curimataú (Sinpuc), em 1992. A partir dos documentos e entrevistas coletados, além de leituras sobre a historiografia da época, percebemos que nas regiões do Seridó e Curimataú paraibanos se configurou uma rede de mobilizações civis em torno dessas e de várias outras questões e interesses que compõem o universo sociopolítico. Fica notório, a partir da análise das fontes, um forte compartilhamento de insatisfações sociais, políticas e econômicas, na qual grupos, majoritariamente formados por mulheres, organizaram-se para minar com as problemáticas cotidianas resultantes das administrações públicas e reivindicar lugares de poder restritos a uma dada elite, heranças de práticas e culturas políticas visualizadas tanto em nível de estado quanto em um contexto nacional, fato que influencia diretamente nas articulações civis e populares nas regiões. Do ponto de vista teórico-metodológico, a dissertação desenvolveu-se no campo da Nova História Política em diálogo com a História Cultural, recebendo contribuições do historiador Edward Palmer Thompson, através do conceito de experiência. Aqui, a categoria cultura se coloca como campo importante de análise, pois possibilita elencar caminhos diferentes de compreensão em torno do pensamento dos sujeitos pesquisados, que opera por meio de costumes, tradições, rituais, desejos e sentimentos, aspectos fundamentais para perceber as experiências vividas e mudanças comportamentais adquiridos ao longo do tempo.

No description available.

Most writing about "Red Clydeside" has come from writers overtly sympathetic to revolutionary ideals - whether the Clydesiders themselves or later academic admirers. It is hoped that a wider use of outside sources will help to provide a more detached view.

In the post-9/11 world, Bangladesh has been identified as a new hub of the Al-Qaeda network in South Asia. Most of the contemporary national and international media reports, security documents, and even academic studies point to the fact that an Islamist movement is on the dramatic rise in Bangladesh in recent years. These reports and studies portray the Islamist movement as closely linked with terrorism and devoid of any historical roots and relations with other types of movement. Contrary to this view, this study argues that the Islamist movement is not an unprecedented phenomenon but historically linked with a broader militia movement which subsequently leads to the emergence of Bangladesh as a nation state in 1971. Since its inception, the nation state is dealing not only with the Islamist movement but also with two other types of militia movement almost simultaneously – the leftwing and the ethnic. Having identified these three types, this study defines the militia movement in terms of five analytical categories – ideology, motivation, mobilization, organization, and ritual – following Freilich and others. It analyzes the Bangladesh militia movement in terms of these five dimensions, providing historical-empirical data from both primary and secondary sources to show how the contemporary militias are carrying forward the legacy of their historical forerunners. This study concludes with policy recommendations on how informed decisions can be made to effectively deal with the militia issue. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2010-06-02 14:36:43.282

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 253-277).

Magister Educationis - MEd / This research was motivated by my interest in the sport and the systems of provision of the education on Robben Island. The problem that gave rise to the study was to determine how political prisoners were able to organise prisoner education (political education and non-formal education) and participate in prison-sponsored education (formal education) and to find answers to the question of what impact education had on the sport that they agitated for.

This thesis challenges the argument that farms must grow larger and more specialized in order to survive. The root of this thesis stems from my disdain towards current mainstream industrial methods of farming, attempting to compete in the world market. In theory, current government farm policies are meant to assist and protect farmers on the global market but typically result in protecting the large companies responsible for manifesting the problems in the first place. These key factors have changed the face of the agricultural landscape of North America and have lead to a lost connection between society and their food. These factors have lead me to build upon more sustainable and value-added farm philosophies. Such practices highlight the benefits of small farm enterprises for the farmer, the animals, the environment and society as a whole. The design is in combination a response to the landscape and the local economic niche it functions within. Through physical connection, the architecture highlights the cycles of individual farm elements working together to strengthen the whole farm as system.