My doctoral thesis analyses the political ideology of Islamism by taking the case study of a major Islamist organization, namely the Jamaat-e-Islami in contemporary India and Bangladesh. In doing so, I try to understand the similarities and differences of the ideological articulations of Islamism in a Muslim minority context of India and in a Muslim majority context of Bangladesh. The thesis is written from a political theory perspective in general and within the realm of ideology studies in particular. The study analyses how and why the Jamaat is responding to the economic and cultural issues of neoliberal India and Bangladesh. One cannot possibly ignore the neoliberal context within which Islamists are generating markedly new kinds of political articulations with an unprecedented set of political demands, never seen before in the history of Islamist movements. The ideological articulations of Jamaat have been studied by analyzing various primary sources—organisational literature, the party constitution, policy resolutions, press releases, election manifestos and political pamphlets of Jamaat-e-Islami. In addition, this dissertation has also relied on field interviews with the Jamaat leadership in India and Bangladesh. Magazines and internet sources have been also helpful for this study. My thesis analyses Islamist responses to neoliberalism by discussing the contrasting conditions of contemporary India and Bangladesh. In doing so, I conclude that in India, Jamaat is opposed to neoliberalism whereas in Bangladesh, it has a ambiguous character vis-à-vis neoliberalism. However, Islamists in both these countries are opposed to cultural issues like atheism, ‘blasphemous’ views, live-in relationships and homosexuality, which they construe as the products of ‘western cultural globalization’. In this respect, I try to analyse why the Islamists are opposed to ‘western cultural globalization’. Finally, I also explain how Islamism, as a politico-ideological project of populist mobilization is facing a crisis in contemporary India and Bangladesh.

A partir de l'ethnographie d'une secte minoritaire de l'islam indien, les ismaéliens daoudi bohras, cette thèse explore les processus menant à la construction identitaire en tant que communauté religieuse distincte. Les daoudi bohras, dont une large majorité vit entre Mumbai, le Gujarat et le Sind, forment à la fois une caste commerçante et une secte ismaélienne chiite avec ses propres rites. Dès l'époque coloniale, et ce jusqu'à aujourd'hui, des conflits internes ont porté sur les modalités de l'autorité suprême, celle du guide religieux le d'ai et de l'organisation par laquelle il gouverne, la dawat. Cette thèse, à travers un travail monographique, explore les différents aspects d'un conflit qui a abouti au relatif échec des réformes religieuses demandées par une branche 'progressiste'. Une première partie historique revient sur la genèse de ce communautarisme durant la période coloniale puis dans le contexte de l'émergence des nationalismes religieux en Asie du sud. Une deuxième partie explore les composantes de l'identité communautaire. Quelle est la nature de la « dawat », l'institution religieuse représentative de l'ensemble des membres? La réorganisation de cette institution s'est opérée dans la concurrence avec d'autres organisations prosélytes (hindouisme militant, islam réformé, sécularisme ressenti). Progressivement, l'association fonctionnelle de la caste, dont l'objectif premier était de représenter les intérêts du réseau mercantile, s'est affirmée comme la résurgence d'un modèle de gouvernance idéal. Tandis que les relations politiques se teintent de clientélisme, la communauté est sacralisée autour de sa puissante institution centrale. / This thesis explores the processes which frame the identity construction as a distinctive Ismaili religious community. The research is based on a detailed ethnography study of this minority of Indian Muslims. The Dawoodi Bohras are largely settled in the region of Mumbai, Gujarat and Sind. They represent both a business caste as well as an Ismaili shia sect which nurtures its own rites. Since the colonial time, internal conflicts have confrontated the supreme authority and the “dawat” central organization. This thesis explores the various aspects of the conflict which have resulted in a relative failure of the religious reforms which were requested by a progressive branch of the community. The first part of the thesis examines the genesis of this communalism within the context of the emerging religious nationalisms in South Asia.The second part investigates the different aspects of the community identity. What is the nature of the “dawat”, the religious institution representing the dawoodi bohras? The reorganization of this institution occurred in the confrontation with the political environment (Hindutva, reformed Islam, secularism). The association of the mercantile caste, promoting the interests of the membres of the network, has gradually become sacralized and emerged like «  a religious ideal society ». While the political relations of the dawat are based on clientelism, the power of this central institution is sacralized within the community.

This study examines the role women’s groups play in the lives of 10 Muslim women in South Africa. A qualitative methodology was employed to gain information from two women’s groups in Johannesburg. An open-ended questionnaire, focus groups, and individual interviews were used to elicit information. The data were initially analysed using a computer-based content analysis programme (Atlas-ti), to identify a priori and emergent themes and categories in the data. These themes and categories were then used as the basis for a qualitative interpretive analysis, focused in particular on issues of empowerment with respect to psychological, community, economic, intellectual and political empowerment, and more specifically on gender equality. The study would thus suggest that while these groups do have many positive outcomes, the issues dealt with in women’s groups cannot be isolated from the broader social context in which Muslim women live. While the processes of empowerment appear to have begun in areas of psychological, community, intellectual, economic and political empowerment in this sample of women, empowerment with respect to gender equality still seems far off.

Thesis (Ph.D. ( Migration and Displacement))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, 2016. / This thesis explores how the Somali diaspora constitutes itself as a collectivity by analysing identity formation processes in an interconnected postmodern world, where migration has become much common than before, where identities are not as certain as they used to be and where a trans- local sense of being connected surpasses fix national borders. I propose the concept of the cosmopolitan refugee in order to explore how Somaliness is constructed in diasporic contexts, based on the interweaving of cosmopolitan, vernacular and national identifications. Moreover, Somaliness cannot be understood today without the influence of Islam, the cosmopolitan and political implications of belonging to the umma and the importance of being seen as a “good Muslim”. Using ethnographic and narrative data, this research takes a gendered approach and moves beyond the prevailing representations of Somali women in the global imagination by presenting alternative discourses and narratives that explore the dynamics of identity constructions these women undergo in relation to cultural, religious and gender practices in the two urban contexts of Nairobi and Johannesburg. These are two interconnected cities for the Somali diaspora that metaphorical operate as a port and as island. Both places are transitional places for Somalis and in both cities the creation of the “little Mogadishus” of Eastleigh, in Nairobi, and Mayfair, in Johannesburg, generates a particular trans-local situation in which collective identity, through the repetition of cultural and religious practices, is able to transform the urban space, at the same time that the implementation of these practices makes these places to be connected between them, to the lost homeland in Somalia and to any other place in the world Somalis inhabit these days. However, due to the bigger Somali population and the historical and geographical links with Somalia, Somalis in Nairobi develop greater feelings of belonging than in Johannesburg, where isolation seems to be the more widespread feeling. Somalis in Nairobi are more exposed to cosmopolitanism due to the relationship they have with the city, the fact that Eastleigh is a point of constant transit and an important commercial hub across the Somali diaspora all around the world, and the presence of Somalis belonging to different backgrounds. In Johannesburg, the Somali population is much smaller and the isolated situation most Somalis find make them use Somaliness as a way of resilience and demarcating difference, resulting in certain vernacular and religious practices being strengthened. In this sense, Nairobi is experienced by Somalis as more cosmopolitan than Johannesburg. Nevertheless in both contexts Somaliness is constructed around a sense of unity based on: a common place of origin and mythical past, a common language, religion and “culture”, implemented in the everyday life by the habitus of cultural and religious practices. This habitus together with a narrative of the nation being constructed in the virtual spaces of Facebook and Instagram creates a strong sense of belonging to an “imagined community”. Somaliness resides not within the boundaries of a nation-state but in a trans-local sense of being connected. / MT2017

La kafala, mesure de protection et de prise en charge d’enfants de filiation connue ou inconnue dans les pays musulmans qui interdisent l’adoption en raison d’un impératif religieux, a confronté le droit français à de sérieux défis tant d’un point de vue conceptuel que technique. Essentiellement pratiquée dans les pays du Maghreb, elle a été introduite en France dans le cadre du regroupement familial, d’abord, et dans celui de l’adoption internationale, ensuite. Mais, si le droit international privé français a depuis longtemps appris à gérer l’accueil d’institutions et de lois étrangères dans l’ordre interne, la kafala, a remis en lumière bon nombre de problématiques liées aux méthodes et objectifs poursuivis par la discipline. Précisément, elle a reposé avec acuité les interrogations en rapport avec la place des droits fondamentaux dans le conflit de lois, d’une part, et la politique de tolérance dans la réception d’institutions ou l’application de normes à fort référent religieux, d’autre part. Et c’est ce cadre qui a servi a délimiter les contours du travail mené sur la question. Ainsi, l’approche comparatiste a été privilégiée pour la partie consacrée à la compréhension et à l’étude du dispositif de la kafala dans deux pays témoins : l’Algérie et le Maroc, d’où proviennent la plupart des enfants recueillis. Après des éclairages historico-juridiques destinés à saisir les origines de cette institution et la conception de la famille qui prévaut dans les deux sociétés considérées, la démarche s’est poursuivie par l’inscription de l’objet d’étude dans le contexte qui l’a fait naître et fait évoluer avant de procéder à sa comparaison avec les institutions françaises proches. A cet effet, plusieurs matières ressources et leurs travaux respectifs ont été mobilisés. Le second volet du travail a porté sur la question pratique de la réception de la kafala par les juridictions françaises depuis les années 1990 qui a révélé des incohérences, des lacunes et des positionnements discutables. En particulier, la prise en compte de l’intérêt de l’enfant recueilli, lequel est souvent abandonné et de parents inconnus, prescrite par la Convention internationale des droits de l’enfant, a fait l’objet d’une évaluation insuffisante. Et, depuis la loi du 06 février 2001, la kafala ne pouvant valoir adoption, son effectivité actuellement en France demeure non seulement limitée mais aussi porteuse d’insécurité et de difficultés pour les parties concernées, nécessitant, par conséquent, une réforme urgente. / Muslim countries provide special protection and assistance towards children deprived of their family environment through what is called kafala because their family law, essentially based on sharia, forbids adoption. French international law, when faced with this unusual institution imported by the important North African population leaving in France, had to deal with many difficulties in terms of understanding the concept and its technical specifics. Kafala had been brought in France by two means: family reunification, firstly, and international adoption, secondly. But, despite having been used to admitting muslim familial institutions and laws in the past, French international law actually proved to be unsuitable when it comes to kafala. Indeed, the methods and the aims of the discipline are discussed, again, due to the question of fundamental human rights ignored in the conflict of laws and the enforcement of religious laws or the effectiveness of muslim institutions allowed (at least when it is in compliance with the “ordre public international”). All these elements have guided the work. Thus, the comparatist view has been favoured concerning the understanding and the study of the kafala in these countries: Algeria and Morocco, where most of the foster children come from. After analyzing historical and legal points aimed at understanding the origins of this institution and the notion of the family which dominates in both societies, we will tackle its birth and its evolution before comparing it to the French institutions for which many studies have been established. In the second point, the question of the acceptance of the kafala by the French jurisdictions since the 1990s is raised. It has highlighted inconsistencies, flaws and questionable decisions especially the care of the foster child (often abandoned and from unknown parents) which has been insufficiently taken into account even if recommended by the International Convention on the Rights of the Child. And since the law of February 6th 2001, the kafala cannot be passed , its effectiveness nowadays in France is still limited but also brings insecurity and difficulties to the foster children which, consequently, requires an urgent reform.

The aim of this thesis is to highlight the relevance of the spiritual dimension of Islamic calligraphy, focusing on the Turkish contemporary calligraphic tradition. Academic literature in the field has been dominated by the tendency to focus on the objects produced by artists, neglecting their personal experience and understanding of the art. Using a phenomenological perspective, I give voice to calligraphers I met in Istanbul and Konya, letting emerge their views on issues related to the relationship between art, religion and spirituality. I explore several themes that have arisen from the interviews I conducted with fifteen exponents of the contemporary tradition, organised as a journey from the most material aspects to the most abstract ones. The exploration of these themes starts with the symbolism hidden behind physical calligraphic tools, moving to the analysis of the symbolism of the point and the letters, elementary forms of the calligraphic creations. The bodily dimension has been taken into consideration, showing how the control of the body is an essential aspect of the calligraphic practice. The art can be conceived as a pathway requiring the development of several moral qualities and virtues, all necessary to improve both the artistic capabilities and the spiritual maturity of the practitioner, until the achievement of the authorisation to teach the art. Once a calligrapher reaches the license and the mastery of the art, they bear the responsibility of transmitting the art to others. Furthermore, they become agents of remembrance, portraying in the most beautiful manners the verses of the Quran in social religious spaces, as in mosques, or on calligraphic panels acquired by individual collectors or museums. Since their artwork focuses on representing religious materials, including the remembrance of the attributes of God and of Prophet Muhammad, their art is considered an act of worship. Finally, I investigate what the meaning of Divine Beauty is in Islamic calligraphy, presenting the perspectives of Turkish calligraphers and analysing the connections between the artistic form and the meaning of the contents of specific calligraphic works. In conclusion, I have not limited my analysis to the formal aspects of the art, rather I have highlighted the existential dimension of a complex practice which connects together several aspects of the human being, including the spiritual dimension. Thus, the traditional stream of Turkish contemporary calligraphy can be seen as a full manifestation of a culture, a lifestyle and a religion.

Cette thèse analyse conjointement à travers les archives publiques et privées, un double itinéraire ; celui de la politique musulmane de la France à travers les institutions qui lui ont été dédiées : commission interministérielle des affaires musulmanes, le Haut-comité méditerranéen, le Centre des Hautes études et d’administration musulmane ; et celui d’un français catholique, Robert Montagne, un sociologue-politologue du monde musulman. Elle étudie d’une part, les interactions entre la politique ‘coloniale-musulmane’ française pour la gouvernance de l’empire, la politique de gestion des musulmans issus de l’empire en métropole, et la naissance d’un islam de France. D’autre part les interactions entre les milieux politiques, militaires, universitaires et catholiques ; l’influence de ces derniers dont R. Montagne est une des figures les plus imminentes sur la politique musulmane de la France entre 1911 et 1954. / This thesis analyzes jointly through the public and private archives, the double route; that of the Muslim policy of France through the institutions which were dedicated to her: Interministerial Commission of the Muslim affairs, the High Mediterranean Committee, the Center of the High studies and the Muslim administration; and that from catholic French, Robert Montagne, a sociologist-political analyst of the Muslim world. She studies on one hand, the interactions enter the ' colonial - Muslim ' French policy for the governance of the empire, the management policy of the Muslims stemming from the empire in mainland France, and the birth of an Islam of France. On the other hand the interactions between the political, military, university and catholic circles; the influence of the latter of which R. Montagne is one of represent the most imminent on the Muslim policy of France between 1911 and 1954.

The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the depiction of women in Quran from an Islamic feminist perspective. The questions that my study is based on are: How is the woman accounted in the Quran according to Islamic feminists? How do Muslim feminists argue and what do they base their reasoning on? My study is based on analyzes of the feminists’ works and statements. The results were analyzed with the help of different theories including Miriam Cookes “multiple critique”, Jan Hjärpes “The Islamic basket”, Jonathan Potters “methodological relativism” and Luckman & Bergers “social construction of reality”. The main result of this study is that it highlights how different Islamic feminists interpret the Quran in relation to the present and how their interpretations have created debates internationally. I also discuss the importance of new interpretations and the globalization for Muslim women.

The portrayal of Muslims in British mainstream media, particularly newspapers, is a subject of significant academic interest. Previous studies find that British newspapers frequently represent Muslims as a distinct and homogenous group, associating them with terrorist groups and framing them as a cultural threat. Orientalist representations have been observed, depicting Muslims as inherently problematic. Nevertheless, Muslims' own self-representation remains understudied and underexamined. This research analyses the discourse of the Muslim News, the oldest, most enduring English-language newspaper catering to Muslims in the United Kingdom. Using Corpus Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis, this thesis explores the similarities and differences in the discourses of the Muslim News and British mainstream newspapers from 1998 to 2009. The findings reveal that, while reproducing some narratives observed in mainstream press, the Muslim News (the MN) is introducing new representations that 'pitch' alternative stories about Muslims in the media. While sustaining certain representations, such as the collectivisation of Muslims, the MN challenges mainstream discourse. It highlights Islamophobic attacks that Muslims are subject to, including their negative portrayal in mainstream press, and suggests that these hegemonic representations are part of a 'Muslim penalty'. Furthermore, the MN counters mainstream news by taking Muslims outside the frames of representation that associate them with terrorism, conflict and violence. Sports coverage consistently emerges in the MN as an important space to re-negotiate and reframe mainstream media discourses on Muslims. Sports stories maintain newsworthiness while enabling the MN to diverge from the negative coverage of Muslims in mainstream press and celebrate Muslim champions. Comparing such representations in a newspaper by and for Muslims to those produced by mainstream press further exposes contemporary Orientalist discourses and should be a subject of further study.

Anti-Muslim prejudice has increased precipitously since the attacks of September 11, 2001, including prejudicial effects related to socio-cultural differences on college campuses. The purpose of this quasi-experimental exploratory research was to understand the effectiveness of multicultural education programs (MEPs) in reducing anti-Muslim prejudice in higher education. Grounded in intergroup threat theory and frame analysis, it was hypothesized that students who are not engaged in multicultural affairs will perceive Muslims as more threatening and will therefore hold more prejudiced views than would students who active in multicultural affairs. The sample consisted of 125 respondents (N = 51 from a group participating in an MEP; and N = 74 from a control group of students who did not participate in an MEP) from a large research university in the Southeastern United States. Data were collected through a survey to measure symbolic threat, realistic threat, and Islamophobia. An independent group-posttest design was used to explore the effectiveness of MEPs and the independent groups' t test was performed to examine differences in the respondents' attitudes toward Muslims. Moderate yet significant differences were present between groups, suggesting that the effects of the MEP were positive. Respondents engaged in multicultural programs were less likely to perceive Muslims as threats and were less likely to hold Islamophobic views of Muslims than were their peers from the control group. Results indicate positive social change implications for the integration of American Muslims as well as the development of more comprehensive programs for educators and policy makers.