Swedish news media are questioning whether Sweden's zero-tolerance drug policy can be sustained. Even in northern Europe, governments seldom take such a strong stance, and the UN has criticised Sweden's "balanced health and human rights strategy. Sweden's tough attitude is one factor. According to The Local, most lawmakers in Sweden's health and welfare committee want to reexamine the country's drug policies. Sweden's health and welfare committee reported this. In Sweden, liberal, centre, Swedish Democratic, Christian Democratic, and left parties promote a new perspective. This support is widespread. To establish whether Sweden's policies are effective, we will analyse both the concept of successful and its strategic criteria. Sweden's anti-drug efforts have enabled the government to proclaim success. Due to Sweden's attempts to reduce drug abuse, recreational drug use is rare. UNODC's Executive Director believes that countries should reduce overall drug consumption. It's harder to understand how this method may help with the negative effects of drug usage, particularly if the problems derive from drug dependency. Problematic are drug-related difficulties. This is because many players and systems are interdependent. Harm reduction and other public health programs may not be enough to address present circumstances, and their narrow approach may exacerbate the situation. Sweden's drug-free ideal has contributed to its inability to cope with related issues, making it harder to find a realistic solution. Because of Sweden's ideal of a drug-free society, these health concerns cannot be solved. It's rare for utopias, like Sweden's, to fail to deal with life's realities (including the continuous usage of drugs in sometimes deadly ways). Drug use is an example. Sweden's low drug usage rate is not due to the country's drug policy activities. Similar sources confirm it. Sweden has one of the world's lowest drug consumption rates, while having identical laws and responses to the issue. Problems seem intractable for any explanation of policy and usage patterns; this shows culture plays a large role. Both Sweden and the U.S. have had vigorous temperance movements, thus their legislative systems limit alcohol usage.

Due to the fact that narcotics is a highly current topic in the mass media, which draws attention to the prominent change that has taken place in the drug market in recent years, there is therefore not much significant research in the research area linked to Sweden yet. Therefore, this study will focus on investigating how the crime prevention and crime fighting efforts against narcotics are applied by the police in Police Region North in Sweden, as well as which crime prevention efforts the police believe should be used against narcotics in the future. The importance of this investigation can therefore be a contributing factor in creating an understanding of the role of narcotics in society and how the change in the narcotics market means a development in the way the police work. The study is an inductive qualitative method where we used interviews with the police and the Police Authority's strategy documents, which were analyzed separately according to a thematic content analysis with inspiration from Bacchi's analysis method WPR. The result showed how the prominent changes in the drug market constituted forced developments for the Police Agency's strategies and the police's daily work regarding the presented drug problems. Furthermore, we can also see how significant differences are presented between the Police Authority's strategy document and the police's own statements regarding how the crime prevention and crime-fighting work should be carried out, and is actually carried out. Finally, we can conclude that the crime prevention work against narcotics that was previously de-prioritised has resulted in the police today still prioritizing crime-fighting work instead of crime prevention. Which, according to the police's own statements, has led to an increase in drug crime and insecurity in society. / <p>2024-01-12</p>

No description available.

Diss. (sammanfattning) Stockholm : Karolinska institutet, 2007. / Härtill 4 uppsatser.

A mixed methodological approach with two different analytic procedures and multiple data sources was used to examine narcotics hot spots. The first phase compares two methods of hot spots identification; the prediction model and the actual crimes. The second phase involves an intensive study to better understand the phenomenon of drug hot spots areas consistently shown to be repeat hot spots.

The subject of this study is the policing of the drug problem during the period between the nationalization of the police force in 1965 and the introduction of imprisonment as a penalty for drug consumption in 1993. The influence of four key factors are discussed: legislation, organization, the conception of and the attention paid to the drug problem. Qualitative and quantitative data from police archives, the prosecutor general, parliamentary publications, a public TV newsroom and various statistics from other sources are combined. The analysis shows four important stages in the process towards a substantially increased drug control: By the end of the 1960s, all data indicate increased attention to the drug problem. The penal law on narcotics was passed in 1968. It laid the foundation for subsequent policing activities. The police was also given increased possibilities to use telephone-tapping to combat serious crimes. By the end of the 1970s, the creation of a special narcotics police organization at the medium level of police hierarchy institutionalized, emphasized and assigned manpower to combat serious crimes. Since the beginning of the 1980s new target groups have been added. The "street dealer" is a new direct target. With the strengthening of the preventive role of the police new indirect target groups emerged: the police also emphasized their work against recruitment of new drug users. The main objective of the new penal law on narcotics of 1968 was to help drug addicts recover and merge back in society again. Addiction was seen as a disease. Drug dealing by the addicts was reprehensible but not a priority matter to the police. Over time, this attitude changed and in 1989 the police saw distinct actions against street dealers as the most important element in the repressive policy.

published_or_final_version / Social Work / Master / Master of Social Sciences

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T21:59:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aguilar_VeronikaKarolinaMosqueira_M.pdf: 1102216 bytes, checksum: 9e3bffcc818028a2a6c615c7ce234f3c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Com o final da Guerra fria, e com o processo da globalização manifestam-se profundas mudanças no mundo ocidental que vêm definindo novas estratégias políticas. No plano da segurança a nova agenda concentra-se nos problemas interestatais, entre os que se destaca o narcotráfico. Na procura de alternativas de solução na região andina, se deu a XV Reunião do Conselho Presidencial Andino (Quito, Julho 2004) onde foram aprovadas as linhas gerais da segurança externa comum, autorizando a prevenção e o enfrentamento de ameaças à segurança. O combate ao problema do narcotráfico se da mediante as Políticas Antidrogas direcionadas pelos Estados Unidos, centradas na redução da produção de pasta básica de cocaína, nos países produtores, Colômbia, Peru e Bolívia. Os programas com esse intuito são o Plano Colômbia, e a Iniciativa Regional Andina. Ditas estratégias poderiam pôr em ameaça a segurança desses países. É assim que o objetivo da pesquisa é mostrar um panorama sobre os impactos das políticas antidrogas na segurança dos países andinos no plano econômico, social e político e aprofundar no caso peruano, como è tratado o problema coca-cocaína no congresso e os possíveis interesses trás a continuidade da atual política antidroga. Considera-se relevante promover a avaliação de novas estratégias antidrogas que se ajustem ao conceito de segurança da região e a sua realidade. Usa-se a metodologia de análise documentaria de relatórios mundiais de instituições que combatem o narcotráfico, discursos de representantes dos agricultores cocaleros, e os projetos leis apresentados no congresso peruano, á vez que textos de autores especialistas entre outros / Abstract: With the end of the Cold War and the process of globalization, profound changes have occurred in the western world, these changes are defining new policies. In the plan of security, new security agendas are focused on the interstate problems, among highlights the drug trafficking. In the search for alternative solutions in the Andean region was where the XIA approved the outlines of the common external security by allowing the prevention and confrontation of security threats. Combating drug trafficking through the current anti-drug policies directed by Estates Unites, focusing on reducing the production of basic paste of cocaine, these politics are o Plan Colombia, and Andean Regional Initiative, Might be threatening the security of these countries. Though, the aim of this study is to show a picture of the economics, social and political impacts of current drug policies of the security of Andean countries. Is relevant a new evaluation promote anti-drug strategies to adapt to conceit of security to the reality of the region. Use data analysis methodology is a documentary of world report of institutions that combated or drug trafficking, discourse from representatives cocaleras, e the projects leis presented in Peruvians congress, and the other texts / Mestrado / Relações Internacionais / Mestre em Ciência Política

Twelve step organizations such as Alcoholics Anonymous and Narcotics Anonymous are free, community-based fellowships. Such organizations are the most widely sought recovery management options, surpassing professional treatment. The emerging evidence base suggests that involvement in such organizations is associated with positive substance-related outcomes (e.g., abstinence). Relatively speaking, however, far less is known about whether or not involvement is associated with other meaningful psychosocial constructs. The current study examined gratitude, meaning in life, life satisfaction, personal growth, and various other recovery and psychosocial constructs in a sample of self-identified NA members (N = 128) from 26 U.S. states, ranging in age from 22 to 64 years. The primary aim of the present study was to psychometrically evaluate and refine four distinct positive psychology instruments (i.e., Gratitude Questionnaire (GQ – 6), Meaning in Life Scale (MLQ), Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS), Personal Growth Initiative Scale (PGIS)). The current study contained three phases. First, the psychometric properties of each instrument were examined within an Item Response Theory measurement framework. The Rating Scale Model was used to evaluate the each instrument using WINSTEPS 3.74.01. With the exception of the Meaning in Life Questionnaire (which did not conform to an IRT measurement model), each instrument was iteratively refined based on statistical and clinical considerations, resulting in the collapse of response options and the removal of poorly fitting items. These refinements improved the psychometric properties of each instrument, resulting in a more reliable, accurate, and efficient way to measure gratitude, life satisfaction, and personal growth in clinical samples. Second, items from the GQ – 6, SWLS, and PGIS were examined concurrently using the PROC IRT procedure in SAS to explore whether the constructs were distinct from one another. Results provide support that gratitude, life satisfaction, and personal growth are unique and distinct constructs. Last, the study examined several recovery-related correlates of gratitude, life satisfaction, and personal growth. Hierarchical regression models assessed whether abstinence duration and other recovery-related variables accounted for significant incremental variance in gratitude, life satisfaction, and personal growth, over and above several covariates. As a block, abstinence duration and recovery predictors accounted for significant incremental variance in all of the constructs. These data suggest ongoing recovery involvement in 12-step organizations may be associated with positive outcomes beyond abstinence. Limitations and directions for future research are discussed.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (International Relations), 2017 / The trafficking of illegal narcotics on the African continent and into West Africa has resulted in human insecurity and state insecurity in the region. Furthermore, it has helped facilitate shadow economies such as the illegal trade in fire arms and human trafficking within the region deteriorating law and order, judicial enforcement, and political institutions in these countries. The West African region serves as a transit point in the distribution of narcotics to Europe from Latin America and has increasingly become a destination in drug trafficking. Various national, regional, and international strategies have been undertaken in combating this perceived scourge. The African Union, European Union, United Nations, and West African states themselves have all provided frameworks in combating drug trafficking in Africa. Despite these various strategies drug trafficking still thrives in West Africa. This thesis will assess one of these strategies that being the West African Coast Initiative (WACI). This thesis attempts to outline the various reasons for the growing importance of West Africa in the regional and international drug trade whilst assessing the impact WACI has had in dealing with the drug trade in West Africa. The reason the paper seeks to assess the effectiveness of the West African Coast Initiative is to highlight the obstacles and challenges the strategy has faced over the last eight years of its existence, to make recommendations in this regard, and to identify specific shortcomings in African institutional efforts in engaging with threats that exist outside the state / XL2018