This study describes how the New Order regime created and used a particular version of the Indonesian past. This official past drew on the work of "the history industry" (archaeological and historical research) and is reflected in approved works of history writing. The New Order past can also be seen in textbooks and in what monuments the regime erected. The New Order chose to emphasize fourteenth century Majapahit empire; this hierarchical, Java-centred, Hindu empire was identified as the true ancestor of the present nation. Although Indonesia is overwhelmingly Muslim in population, subsequent Muslim advances were not stressed, except as part of the "palace culture" of Central Java, which was seen as an extension of Majapahit. Islam also provided its share of "national heroes" who fought against the Dutch colonialists. Dutch control, was looked upon with some ambiguity; the colonial regime was oppressive but it also provided stability. The Dutch were driven out during the 1945--1949 Revolution. The New Order gave credit for the Indonesian victory in this struggle to the military rather than to civilians such as Sukarno. The Revolution later took on a more radical character that culminated in an attempt on the part of the Indonesian Communist Party to seize power. The suppression of the September 30 Movement in 1965 was seen as a righting of the nation's proper path of development, a course that could in fact be traced back to Gajah Mada's Majapahit. Not all were impressed with this official history. A more Islamic "history in waiting," which differed significantly from that of the regime, was created by historians and archaeologists working within the New Order. This "ummat-oriented" past stressed long connections between Indonesia and the rest of the Muslim world. The New Order's past was used to foster national integration and the legitimacy of the regime itself. The fate of the Suharto Presidency might indicate that the past was utiliz

Uppsatsen syftar till att få en inblick i hur dubbla etniciteter gestaltas och konstrueras i två svenska samtida självbiografier. Utifrån en narrativ textanalys har jag velat ge en tolkning av min frågeställning som övergripande handlar om identitetskonstruktion och hur skildringar av dubbla etniciteter gestaltas i samtida litteratur. Det empiriska materialet utgörs av två självbiografier som har fungerat som analysunderlag. Genom att analysera författarnas texter har jag närmat mig författarnas komplexa skildringar av sina dubbla etniska identiteter. Begrepp som identitet, etnicitet, nationalism, kultur, den Andre och Homi K. Bhabhas teori om hybriditet har varit användbara i min analys. Undersökningen visar på hur författarnas berättelser skildrar olika positionerar och förhållningssätt gentemot normerande strukturer.

This thesis investigates the role played by the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Islamic organization established by K. H. Hasjim Asj'ari in 1926, in the development of Indonesian nationalism, elaborating in particular on its activities under the New Order (1980s and 1990s) after it implemented the Pancasila as the sole foundation for all political parties, social and mass organizations. As the largest Muslim traditionalist organization in Indonesia, the NU was originally founded to protect and promote the interests of Muslim traditionalists, who loyally followed the school of Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah. The doctrines of the latter school are shown here to have largely influenced the organization's dealings both culturally, religiously and politically. / In order to fully understand the NUs view of Indonesian nationalism, this thesis examines the three phases of Indonesian nationalism, beginning with the rise of this organization, its involvement in the formation of the Indonesian state and its ideology, and the period after the country stipulated the sole foundation of Pancasila. It is from these three phases of Indonesian nationalism that this thesis shows the significance role played by the NU during the 1980s and 1990s. The NUs example in accepting the Pancasila as its sole basis served as an inspiration to other social and mass organizations in the country and represented one of its major contributions to the nation's welfare.

The fact that it took so long, in spite of successive waves of invaders and spirited yet sporadic resistance, to fashion a united national front, points out an anomaly in Algerian society: a divided identity. It took a cruel French occupation, the incompetence of colonial authorities, and the infiltration of European nationalist ideology to fashion a united front, but it was only a front, for immediately after independence, the unity was shown to be a temporary one. / The Berber majority found itself excluded, both culturally and politically, from the new Algerian state. Strangers in their own land, Berbers were faced with a new, more insidious colonialism: Arabization.

This thesis will examine the role of Islamist political parties and what effect their interpretation of national identity has played in dividing the people of Sudan, resulting in two civil wars. It will examine the manifestations and interpretations of Islam and pan-Arabism among the various Islamist parties of Northern Sudan, exploring the ethnic and religious factors which influence Islamist political groups, as well as their social bases which are tied to economics, language, and the conception of a distinctly "Arab" or "African" culture. This thesis will argue that the predominance of these Islamist political parties in the Sudanese government combined with the lack of a Sudanese identity and historical factors have combined to prevent the consolidation of state power, leading to situations of protracted conflict. The imposition, or attempted imposition, of an Islamic identity on the state as a whole prevents unity as it necessarily excludes certain parts of the population as well as disenfranchising those who, whilst they might be Muslim, do not subscribe to the same interpretation of Islamic identity.

One of the more important processes of Middle Eastern history is that of the transformation of the Ottoman Empire into the Turkish national state. The present dissertation demonstrates how Yusuf Akçura, a significant figure in this process, recognized in 1904 the forces making for the emergence of a Turkish nation and was the first to call for the political reconstruction of the Ottoman Empire on the basis of Turkish nationalism.

This thesis proposes to deal with the Iraqi Nationalist movement from its emergence after the First World War to the establishment of an independent Iraq in 1932. During these years the British controlled Iraq under a mandate granted by the League of Nations. This, in spite of the simultaneous creation of an Iraqi monarchy. Neither the new monarch nor the people were content with the political arrangement, based as it was on foreign control, but the drive for independence emanated from a small group of political activists. Both major religious sects of Islam, Sunni and Shi'a, played a leading role in the nationalist movement; in fact, the movement cannot be understood without an appreciation of Islam, and its major variations, in Iraqi life. / A historical background highlights the conditions which allowed Iraqism to take precedent over Arabism after the war and examines the reactions of Iraqis to the invasion by modern conquerors and their later occupation. Additionally, it provides a chronological account of the important events during the mandate period and the buildup of Iraqi resentment of foreign control which precipitated their demand for self-government. / This thesis is a broad study of the nascent nationalist movement in postwar Iraq which engaged in a desperate battle to transform a mandated territory into a sovereign state. Focus is on the role religion played in its beginnings and on the contribution of both Shi'is and Sunnis whose combined and independent efforts led to the formation of modern Iraq.

This thesis examines the use of archaeology in the development of national identity in Iraq from the period before the establishment of the Hashimite monarchy in 1921 to the present Ba'th regime and S&dotbelow;addam H&dotbelow;usayn. During King Faysal I's period (1921--1933), archaeology was used to highlight the 'Arabness' of the ancient Mesopotamians so as to keep the nation on a pan-Arabist course and steer away from developing a regional identity. Iraq's pre-Islamic heritage was approached with much reserve since the government feared alienating the majority Muslim population by glorifying the country's achievements before the advent of Islam. In contrast, 'Abd al-Karim Qasim's regime (1958--1963) focused unbridled attention to the Mesopotamian heritage in an effort to distance the newly established republic from the pan-Arabists' call to join with the United Arab Republic. Between the two poles of identifying the national identity with either the Arab or Mesopotamian character, the Ba'th regime embarked on a cultural campaign that used both identities in defining the modern Iraqi man and woman. While the campaign was relegated strictly to the cultural sphere of the nation, the intent was political in that the regime shifted to stressing the Muslim-Arab identity of Iraq when appealing to support from other Arab nations; and to the pre-Islamic Mesopotamian identity when dealing with the religious and ethnic cleavages in Iraqi society.

No description available.

Lietuvos vėliavos pakėlimas ir salvės už tėvynę, Lietuvos kultūrą ir laisvą menininką. / The raise of Lithuanian flag and salvos for the motherland, Lithuanian culture and free artist.