Over the past two decades, the relationship between political extremism and football fans has been the subject of academic, political and policing debates throughout Europe. At football stadiums, in Italy in particular, it is common to witness manifestations of racist intolerance and ideological statements referring to regional, national and international issues. Concurrently, there has been a rise in conflict between Italian police forces and hardcore football fans. The fan-protagonists of such episodes are often groups known as the UltraS; the capital S is a neologism of this study to define neo-fascist oriented supporters. The nomenclature differentiates them from the wider hardcore football supporters who are instead referred in this research as ultrá. Despite their presence among the Italian curve (football terraces), the UltraS have been the subject of very limited methodical ethnographic study. The present study seeks to correct this lacuna and is the result of ethnographic research conducted from 2003 to 2006 and updated from 2007 to 2009. This thesis seeks to evaluate the UltraS phenomenon via an examination of two nationally renowned groups located in the Italian capital of Rome. The groups, the Boys of AS Roma and the Irriducibili of SS Lazio, enact their performances on the respective curve of the city’s Olympic Stadium. This research considers the UltraS gatherings as a form of ‘ideological communitas’. In doing so, analysis introduces and explains the four essential elements of the UltraS logic: the principle of non omologazione (non-conformism), the concept of the ‘true’ UltraS; the opposition of Tradition versus Modernity in the UltraS condition, and finally the attempt by them to live up to the ‘Warrior Spirit’. Analysis further identifies the ideological and anti-system based alliance between the UltraS of Lazio and Roma and other similar gatherings throughout Italy. This phenomenon, together with an increase ideologisation of the Italian curve, incidents such as the death at the hands of the police gun of the SS Lazio fan Gabriele Sandri in 2007 (and the concomitant violent UltraS reactions against a variety of institutions) and the appearance in 2008 of the UltraS Italia, may signify the beginning of an UltraS collective identity, and a concomitant emergent status of the UltraS as a social movement, which stands in opposition to the perceived repressive Italian State and its media allies.

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The purpose with this essay is to find out if neo-fascist connection will change the next generations citizens (in this specific case ninth graders) opinions about a specific political party. In modern day Sweden, only one political party stands for political ideas that can be seen as neo-fascist (Sverigedemokraterna). What would happen if the next generation citizens saw this connection and how would they respond? That’s what this essay is all about, are the students “positive”, “negative” or “on changed” to a neo-fascist political party? The studies research type is mainly of a qualitative nature but quantitative elements occur. The data is coming from two classes of ninth graders that answered eight questions each. The questions remained the same for all students but with one crucial difference. One of the classes answered the questions before they had been informed of the neo-fascist connections that Sverigedemokraterna can be linked too. And the other class answered the questions after they had been informed. The difference in data seems to point out that the next generations citizens seem to think that it´s worse to be a fascist then a racist. It seems that if a political party is seen as racist party the image deters possible voters. Simultaneously the same racism that deter people also gain votes, therefore it could be said that racism has two faces. If you compare racism and fascism it seems like fascism don´t follow the same pattern.

This thesis aims to analyze the ideology of the &ldquo / European New Right&rdquo / (Nouveille Droite) and its attempt to establish its cultural hegemony on European integration. The revival of the radical right-wing parties after 1980s and the rise of xenophobia have emerged as a fundamental threat to European democracy. The study of such developments and the measures taken to combat right-wing extremism, however, should not be limited to political parties and activists. The intellectual framework of the contemporary radical right as a successor of historical fascism and its Europeanization necessitates a broader and deeper analysis of the ideology of the radical right. The case of &ldquo / European New Right&rdquo / as one of the most influential right-wing intellectual networks provides the appropriate ground to discuss on such framework and to elaborate its impact on European integration.

Gray Wolves, in Turkish called Bozkurtlar and officially named Ülkü Ocakları, are Turkish ultranationalist organization. In some sources, the organization is described as neo-fascistic. This youth organization has close ties to the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). The organization is described as a parallel or militant wing of MHP. Its members deny the political nature of the organization and claim that it is a cultural and educational foundation. The organization was founded by Colonel Alparslan Türkeş in the late sixties of the twentieth century. During the seventies, the organization was the creator of political violence in Turkey during which its members carried out an urban partisan war with left-wing activists and militants. Nowadays, the organization operates not only in Turkey, but also mainly in all countries with a large Turkish minority such as Germany, Netherlands, Belgium, France, Sweden, Greece, Cyprus, Azerbaijan, China, Russia and Syria.

The key research question of my diploma thesis deals with the problem of whether the President of the Czech Republic Milos Zeman creates the same discourse as far-right political parties in the Czech Republic. The research concerns the social discourse surrounding the current migration crisis facing Europe. In this connection, there is a discourse analysis of the themes of migration, Islam, terrorism, external and internal actors. This research is conducted on the basis of the theory of binaries from Teun Van Dijk, which can be applied to a populist political style characterized by President Zeman and extreme right-wing political parties, among which are analyzed the Workers' Party of Social Justice, National Democracy, Dawn - the National Coalition, Freedom And Direct Democracy - Tomio Okamura and the Citizens' Rights Party. Research data is collected from President Zeman's official communications channels and political parties, including official websites and social networks. Based on a discourse analysis of their political views, it is possible to compare President Zeman and the extreme right-wing parties to each topic and to conclude whether they speak the same or differently about these themes.