This paper develops a model of distribution to analyze the effects of neoliberal globalization on labor in the developing countries. Distribution is determined via wage bargaining by workers, price setting by firms, and improvements in productivity. The full model has the nature of a Post-Keynesian conflicting claims model for an open economy under the pressure of globalization. The conflict inflation is extended to an open economy case with imported inputs, where the pass through effect of the depreciation of the local currency also becomes important. The variables that reflect the macroeconomic effects of globalization are modeled as parameters that affect the bargaining power of labor on two levels: the first group is related with the interaction with the global economy, i.e. international trade, and FDI. The second is about the domestic fiscal and monetary policy variables, which are particularly related to the specific form that globalization takes in the era of neoliberalism, i.e. government expenditures, and the interest rate. Then the model is solved for distribution of income, i.e. the wage share, thus a reduced form of the model is obtained, which is estimated in a companion paper to test whether the change in the international and domestic macroeconomic environment has affected the decline the labor's share. (author's abstract) / Series: Working Papers Series "Growth and Employment in Europe: Sustainability and Competitiveness"

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Claudia Maria Silva.pdf: 1187815 bytes, checksum: 4dc2b22324909972d8f85af7af48dede (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-17 / This study aims to analyze the development of federal social spending (FSS) within the general budget of the Union. It is intended to understand what were the priorities of the federal budget expenditures with social policies from 1995 to 2010 in the governments Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) - 1995 to 2002 and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (Lula) - 2003 to 2010, under the management of orthodox economic policy in a period of 16 years. Accordingly, the issue to be investigated is: governments with speeches and seemingly different characteristics may in practice have led expenditure on social policies in a similar way? To answer this question we consider the influences of neoliberal thinking in macroeconomic policy from the 1990s, which contributed significantly to increase spending to service their debt, favoring the financial sector of the economy to the detriment of social. In the data analysis we also dispense attention to expenditures directed to pay interest, taxes and amortization of public debt (internal and external), because the presence of a high cost of debt can be singled out as a major limiting public spending by the federal government, especially for social policies. The evolution of budget execution revealed the vulnerability of social spending during periods of crisis, and a significant expansion of budget spending in periods of relative recovery of economic growth with lower financial costs (interest and debt charges) and less fiscal restraint. However, the increase in FSS allowed an expansion of social protection that should not be underestimated. The trajectory of FSS proved irregular and unstable only in periods of economic or political crisis, one of the concerns of this study was to relate this instability to macroeconomic policy. It is observed that the changes in economic policy management - clearly demarcating the four presidential terms from this period - strongly conditioned the trajectory of FSS. Thus, to contextualize these expenses on the trajectory of federal spending and financial performance of the tax burden. Finally, it is important to note that the main contribution of this research is the analysis of social spending between the FHC and Lula, above all, in the analysis of social spending of the Lula government is not yet broad approach in the recent literature. In this sense, we hope that this mosaic be intelligible and that contributes to the debate between the various areas within the social sciences to help the country improve the living conditions of all of Brazilian society, especially among individuals who are in precarious situation, giving those to human dignity / Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a evolução das despesas sociais federais (DSF) dentro do Orçamento Geral da União. Pretende-se com isso compreender quais foram as prioridades do dispêndio orçamentário federal com as políticas sociais no período de 1995 a 2010, nos governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) 1995 a 2002, e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (Lula) 2003 a 2010, sob a gestão ortodoxa da política econômica em um período de 16 anos. Nesse sentido, a questão a ser investigada é: governos com discursos e características aparentemente diferentes podem, na prática, ter conduzido as despesas com as políticas sociais de forma semelhante? Para responder a essa questão levamos em consideração as influências do pensamento neoliberal na condução da política macroeconômica a partir da década de 1990, que contribuiu, significativamente, para elevar os gastos com o serviço da dívida pública, privilegiando o setor financeiro da economia em detrimento do social. Na análise dos dados também dispensaremos atenção aos gastos direcionados ao pagamento de juros, encargos e amortização da dívida pública (interna e externa). Isso porque a presença de um elevado custo da dívida pode ser apontada como um dos grandes limitadores das despesas públicas do governo federal, em especial para as políticas sociais. A evolução da execução orçamentária revelou a vulnerabilidade das despesas sociais durante os períodos de crise, e uma sensível expansão do dispêndio orçamentário em períodos de relativa recuperação do crescimento econômico com menores custos financeiros (juros e encargos da dívida pública) e menor restrição fiscal. Todavia, o aumento da DSF permitiu uma expansão na proteção social que não deve ser subestimada. A trajetória do DSF revelou-se irregular e instável apenas em períodos de crise econômica ou política, uma das preocupações deste trabalho foi relacionar essa instabilidade à condução da política macroeconômica. Observa-se que as mudanças ocorridas na gestão da política econômica que delimitam claramente os quatro mandatos presidenciais deste período condicionaram fortemente a trajetória da DSF. Dessa maneira, contextualizam-se essas despesas diante da trajetória da despesa financeira do governo federal e do desempenho da carga tributária. Por fim, é importante destacar que a principal contribuição dessa pesquisa está na análise das despesas sociais entre os governos FHC e Lula, acima de tudo, na análise das despesas sociais do governo Lula que ainda não encontra ampla abordagem na literatura recente. Nesse sentido, esperamos que esse mosaico seja inteligível e que contribua com o debate entre as várias áreas, dentro das ciências sociais, para ajudar o país a melhorar as condições de vida de toda a sociedade brasileira, em especial a dos indivíduos que se encontram em situação precária, dando a esses a dignidade da pessoa humana

The aim of this paper is to discuss the outcomes of neoliberal globalization from the perspective of labor in the developing countries, with a particular emphasis on the crises that followed the substantial liberalization in capital accounts in the 1990s. Although a lot has been said about the effects of capital account liberalization on the macroeconomic performance of the economies, less attention is paid to the different effects on labor vs. capital. This paper analyses the outcomes of neoliberal globalization for labor in nine developing countries, and focuses on the episodes of crisis as part of the general class struggle where the question on who will carry the burden of adjustment is a part of the struggle. The paper describes the corner stones of the regime of growth in the neoliberal era, by analyzing the trends in growth, investment, unemployment, and labor's share in income, and discusses the effects of the shocks generated by crises on these variables. We empirically test whether the lower wage share has had any effect on unemployment, as the neoclassical theory claims, or whether unemployment is primarily driven by the goods market conditions a la Keynes. An empirical analysis about the cyclical behaviour of labor's share is carried on to understand whether the crises episodes change the effect of demand on distribution. Since the source of growth can also be important on how the generated output is distributed, we also discuss the effects of investment performance on labor's share. Then we proceed with an analysis of the specific consequences of economic policy choices on distribution, in terms of exchange rate and fiscal policies. Finally we discuss the core stones of an alternative policy framework. (author's abstract) / Series: Working Papers Series "Growth and Employment in Europe: Sustainability and Competitiveness"

Submitted by Liliane Ferreira (ljuvencia30@gmail.com) on 2018-06-11T13:45:49Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Viviane Pereira da Silva Melo - 2018.pdf: 2377198 bytes, checksum: 4f4382af7b78378fbef2e8e59ad0725c (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-06-11T15:51:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Viviane Pereira da Silva Melo - 2018.pdf: 2377198 bytes, checksum: 4f4382af7b78378fbef2e8e59ad0725c (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-11T15:51:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Viviane Pereira da Silva Melo - 2018.pdf: 2377198 bytes, checksum: 4f4382af7b78378fbef2e8e59ad0725c (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-07 / This reserach entitled “Large Scale Evaluations: Repercussions of IDEB The Vision of School Directors in the State System of Goiás ” is liked to the research line State, Politics and History of Education of the Postgraduate in Education of the Education University of Federal University of Goiás. The objective is to know and to analyze the repercussions of the student performance evaluations performed by Basic Education Evaluation National System (SAEB) and the results of the of Basic Education Performance Index (IDEB) in the school management in the state of Goiás. The research was carried out in articulated stages, including bibliographic survey, theoretical research and empirical stage, in which a questionnaire containing open and closed questions was used, contemplating aspects related to the conception of predominant management; the way managers view external evaluations in management; the actions implanted by Secretary of State of Education, Culture and Sport (Seduce) in favor of the results of these evaluations, as well as the fulfillment of the goals established by IDEB, among others aspects that shows how these evaluations have been interfering or modifying the school management. The research was guided by the objectives: to identify under which references Seduce has oriented the school management since the implementation of this policy; to identify predominant management concepts in schools and how the processes and results of large scale evaluations are being conducted by managers; to characterize how the work of the school manager has been carried out and whether their attributions have been modified or intensified since the adoption of these tests. In this sense, this research field was based on the following theoretical contributions: Afonso (2000, 2001), Assis (2013, 2016); Dias Sobrinho (2003); Lima, (2001,2014); Paro (2002, 2010); Freitas (2005, 2012); Freitas (2013); Gatti (2013); Harvey (2000); Sander (2005, 2007, 2009); Oliveira (2001, 2008, 2009, 2015) among others. The first chapter of this research presents the advances of neoliberal policies and of the multilateral organisms in the educational policies, especially the impact of these policies on external evaluations and school management in the development of the "Evaluating State" from the 1990s (Afonso, 2012). The second chapter presents a historical perspective of the conceptions of administration and school, highlighting the ways they were institutionalized in Brazil. The third chapter presents the emergence of large scale external evaluations of basic education and the establishment of the Basic Education Evaluation System (SAEB); the implications of these evaluations for their results being used by the State, defining standards of proficiency and functioning as indicators of quality of education, reinforcing the control policies and regulation of education. Finally, in the fourth and last chapter is analyzed the data of the empirical research carried out with the school directors of state school system of Goiás, who showed their perception about evaluation policies on their influence on school management of the state of Goiás. The study shows that IDEB caused changes in school management and the directors' concern is focused on executing actions to achieve the goals projected by INEP and established by Seduce, in other words, the directors' autonomy in conducting management has been limited, controlled and regulated by Seduce. / Esta pesquisa, intitulada “Avaliação em larga Escala: Repercussões do IDEB na Visão dos Diretores de Escolas da Rede Estadual de Goiás”, vincula-se à linha de pesquisa Estado, Políticas e História da Educação do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação da Faculdade de Educação, da Universidade Federal de Goiás. Tem como objetivo conhecer e analisar as repercussões das avaliações de desempenho discentes realizadas por meio do Sistema Nacional de Avaliação da Educação Básica (SAEB) e dos resultados do índice de Desempenho da Educação Básica (IDEB) e do Sistema de Avaliação do Estado de Goiás (SAEGO) na gestão escolar na rede estadual de Goiás. A pesquisa foi realizada em etapas articuladas, abrangendo o levantamento bibliográfico, pesquisa teórica e uma etapa empírica, na qual foi utilizado um questionário contendo questões abertas e fechadas, contemplando aspectos relativos à concepção de gestão predominante; a forma que os gestores veem as avaliações externas no âmbito da gestão; as ações implantadas pela Secretaria de Estado da Educação, Cultura e Esporte (Seduce) em prol dos resultados destas avaliações, bem como o cumprimento das metas estabelecidos pelo IDEB, dentre outros aspectos que mostrem como estas avaliações vêm interferindo e/ou modificando a gestão escolar. A pesquisa foi orientada pelos objetivos: identificar sob quais referenciais a Seduce tem orientado a gestão escolar desde a implementação desta política; identificar as concepções de gestão predominantes nas escolas da rede e como os processos e os resultados das avaliações em larga escala estão sendo conduzidos pelos gestores; caracterizar como o trabalho do gestor escolar tem sido realizado e se as suas atribuições tem sido modificadas ou intensificadas a partir da adoção destes exames. Neste sentido, esse campo de investigação foi fundamentado nos seguintes aportes teóricos: Afonso (2000, 2001), Assis (2013, 2016); Dias Sobrinho (2003); Lima, (2001,2014); Paro (2002, 2010); Freitas (2005, 2012); Freitas (2013); Gatti (2013); Harvey (2000); Sander (2005, 2007, 2009); Oliveira (2001, 2008, 2009, 2015) dentre outros. No primeiro capítulo desta pesquisa apresenta-se os avanços das políticas neoliberais e dos organismos multilaterais nas políticas educacionais, em especial os impactos destas políticas na avaliação externa e na gestão escolar no desenvolvimento do “Estado Avaliador” a partir dos anos 1990 (Afonso, 2012). No segundo capítulo apresenta-se as concepções de administração e de gestão escolar, evidenciando as formas como foram instituídas no Brasil. O terceiro capítulo apresenta o surgimento das avaliações externas em larga escala da educação básica e a instituição do Sistema de Avaliação da Educação Básica (SAEB); as implicações dessas avaliações por seus resultados serem utilizados pelo Estado, definindo padrões de proficiência e funcionando como indicadores de qualidade da educação, reforçando as políticas de controle e regulação da educação. Por fim, no quarto e último capítulo analisa-se os dados da pesquisa empírica realizada com os diretores escolares da rede estadual de ensino de Goiás, que mostrou a sua percepção acerca das políticas de avaliação a sua influência na gestão escolar da rede estadual em Goiás. O estudo mostra que IDEB provocou mudanças na gestão escolar e a preocupação dos diretores se concentra em executar ações com vistas a atingir as metas projetadas pelo INEP e estabelecidas pela Seduce, ou seja, a autonomia dos diretores na condução da gestão vem sendo limitada, controlada e regulada por parte da Seduce.

La question de l'internationalisation des financements de la ville s'avère centrale pour comprendre le fonctionnement des marchés internationaux et l'évolution du rôle de l’État dans les modes de gouvernance urbaine. Elle se présente également comme une grille de lecture pertinente pour étudier les impacts sur la production urbaine des fonctionnements néolibéraux des pays en développement et de leur dépendance aux partenaires internationaux. Car l'un des enjeux de la financiarisation de la ville est celui du rôle des acteurs, notamment à travers les modes de gouvernance : lorsque l'équilibre des projets de développement urbain n'est pas garanti, qui sont les acteurs qui jouent le rôle de régulateurs? Comment le risque financier est-il distribué et absorbé, alors que le temps long entre vente et achat dans l'investissement immobilier fait exister deux temporalités différentes : celle de la finance globale, qui obéit à des logiques de court terme afin de dégager des marges de rentabilité rapides; et celle du construit urbain, davantage étalée dans le temps. Or, plus le temps de résolution du capital dans l'immobilier est long, plus le montant des valeurs excédentaires est bas. La question de la distinction entre secteur public et secteur privé est également centrale dans l'étude de ce sujet, puisque qu'elle renvoie à la signification du retrait de l’État de la gouvernance urbaine en tant que moyen pour donner davantage de pouvoir aux investisseurs privés. Étudier cette distinction est un moyen de comprendre quels sont les mécanismes de régulation et d'équilibre des marchés liés à la production de la ville. La fabrique du Caire avant et après le soulèvement populaire de 2011 dans la vague des Printemps Arabes est un laboratoire pertinent pour l'analyse de ces questionnements. Au Caire, les modes de gouvernance spécifiques basés sur l'accumulation des richesses par une élite ont été remis en question par la révolution de 2011. La succession des régimes transitoires et les nombreux procès qui ont visé les cessions de terrain frauduleuses par les hommes d'affaires les plus puissants du pays ont semblé être une avancée dans les revendications pour le droit à la ville des révolutionnaires. La lutte pour davantage de justice a provoqué une redéfinition de l'assabiya dirigeante, communauté d'acteurs publics et privés basée sur des liens de mariage et de sang. Mais elle n'a pas ébranlé le système néolibéral reposant sur les rouages de la corruption et du bakchich ainsi que sur la dépendance de la croissance égyptienne aux aides occidentales et régionales, bien au contraire. Le nouveau régime reproduit grâce à une main de fer le système néolibéral d'avant la révolution : enrichir un noyau d'acteurs privés faisant partie d'une élite proche du régime. Cette élite rassemble des proches de l'ancien régime de Moubarak, dont certains ont fait l'objet de sanctions post­révolution, appliquées, levées ou adoucies de manière arbitraire par l’État qui affirme ainsi son pouvoir sur la communauté d'acteurs privés. L'émergence de l'institution militaire comme pouvoir gouvernemental en apparence unitaire n'a pas remis en question la position d'un État centralisé, alors que les pays du Golfe sont devenus incontournables : ce sont des créanciers qu'il faudra rembourser, en liquide ou en nature, et leur poids dans l'économie égyptienne est croissant, en particulier dans le secteur immobilier. La fabrique du Caire semble s'orienter vers une urbanité exclusive et participe à la création d'un arrière-pays du Golf. [...] / The issue of internationalization of financial involvement in Cairo's urban environment is fundamental in understanding the increasing role that international actors play in the region. Additionally, it enables a clearer perception of the State's increasing role through directive urban governance and is also central to any analysis of recent development of the city's social geography. This broad perspective is also a key to understanding the impact of neoliberal policies in developing countries and their increased dependence on international partnerships for urban development. One of the main explanation factors of the financialization of the city's construction is the evolving role of its various actors, through changing governance modes: who are the actors of large-scale real estate, when the balance of urban development project is not secured? One way of addressing this issue is through the question: "how is the risk distributed and absorbed where there exists two timescales, because of the mismatch between selling and buying in real estate investment?" These are the temporality of global finance, which obeys short term logics to serve specific interests and the temporality of the urban fabric which is over a much longer period of time. The longer the period for real estate return on investment, the lower the amount of profit for the investor. Distinction (or the lack of) between public and private sector interests and motivations remains the key parameter, since it refers to the State's withdrawal for urban governance as a way to give more power to private investors. The complex interference between public and private sector is therefore part of the very definition of the city financialization. This study is a way to understand mechanisms of regulation and balance of the markets related to the city production. The urban production of Cairo, before and after the Arab Spring popular uprising of 2011 is also a highly meaningful laboratory to analyze mobilization against financialization of urban production. ln Cairo, specific governance based on wealth accumulation by elite had been called into question by the 2011 revolution. The succession of transitory regimes and the numerous trials targeting fraudulent sales of some of the most powerful businessmen of the country could be viewed as a progress, in citizen's right to the city, of the revolutionaries. The fight for more justice caused a redefinition of the ruling assabiya, a community of public and private actors related by blood or marriage. But it did not destroy the corruption-based system, nor the dependence of Egyptian growth on occidental and regional aids, quite to the contrary. The specificity of the Egyptian neoliberal system is based on refusal of the state to let the contractors take control and on the interference of the public elite in contractors' activities. The new regime replicates with a heavier hand, this system from before the revolution. This enriches a core of actors belonging to an elite close to the regime. [...]

Esta tese oferta uma mirada antropológica sobre a agência da noção de bullying situada como uma categoria de acusação social no cotidiano contemporâneo brasileiro. Nascido como construto científico durante os anos 70, na região escandinava, o bullying conferiu nome a condutas, típicas em escolas, de intimidação sistemática entre pares, no interior de um decurso civilizatório no Ocidente que passa a atribuir reconhecimento a agressões de feitio moral. No Brasil, a acepção de bullying populariza-se apenas mais tardiamente, em meados da primeira década dos 2000. O espraiamento do conceito no país, inclusive para além dos muros das instituições de ensino, se dá num período sociopolítico específico: aquele de operação sem anterioridade na história nacional de um conjunto de políticas públicas nos campos da inclusão econômica e da diversidade social, alavancadas pelos governos presidenciais do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Essas iniciativas estatais colocam em primeiro plano tensões seculares presentes na sociedade brasileira perante alteridades e iniquidades de naturezas diversas. Tal quadro desencadeia uma série de disputas e confrontos que agência da noção de bullying trabalha por traduzir, comunicar e, concomitantemente, abastecer. Para problematizar isso, esta investigação apresenta-se como uma etnografia multissituada, a perseguir agenciamentos do bullying em diferentes domínios – científico, estatal, educacional, mercadológico e midiático – , em escalas sociológicas micro, intermediária e macro, a partir de acontecimentos ordinários e extraordinários. Os resultados apontam, de um lado, para um construto que, uma vez legitimado científica e politicamente, se revela potente em desencadear processos de subjetivação e estratégias de militância, capazes de denunciar uma gama de segregações e agir sobre elas. De outro lado, contudo, essas mobilizações encontram limites na exata medida que o conceito possui para subsidiar investidas neoliberais de gestão de populações, as quais demandam o autogoverno dos indivíduos em prol de uma pacificação ideal, mediante suspensão de contextos ético-políticos amplos e consequente perpetuação de desigualdades. A consideração dessa dupla faceta própria ao construto do bullying se coloca, assim, fundamental para pensar produções acadêmicas, políticas públicas, programas escolares de intervenção, produtos e serviços, bem como coberturas noticiosas, em ação no passado, ativos no presente ou, ainda, a serem planificados no futuro em favor dos direitos humanos e da justiça social. / The present dissertation offers an anthropological perspective on the agency of the notion of bullying as a category of social accusation in the Brazilian contemporary everyday life. Born as a scientific construct during the 1970’s in the Scandinavian region, the concept of bullying, within the Western civilization course that now recognizes moral character aggressions, gave a name to typically school-based conducts of systematic intimidation between peers. In Brazil, the notion of bullying is popularized only later, in the first decade of the 2000’s. The concept’s dissemination in the country, even beyond the walls of educational institutions, occurs in a specific sociopolitical period: an unprecedented moment in the national history for the operation of a set of economic inclusion and social diversity policies, leveraged by the presidential governments of the Workers’ Party (PT). These state initiatives bring to the fore secular tensions regarding alterities and inequalities of different natures that have always been present in the Brazilian society. Such framework unleashes a series of disputes and confrontations that the agency of the bullying notion works to translate, to communicate and, at the same time, to instigate. In order to problematize this scenario, this investigation presents itself as a multi-sited ethnography, pursuing bullying agencies in different domains – scientific, state-owned, educational, marketing and media – on micro, intermediate and macro sociological scales, by means of ordinary and extraordinary events. The results point, on the one hand, to a construct that, once legitimated scientifically and politically, proves itself potent in triggering processes of subjectivation and strategies of militancy, capable of denouncing a range of segregations and acting on them. On the other hand, however, these mobilizations find limits in the exact measure that the concept has been subsidizing neoliberal population management efforts, which demand the self-government of individuals for the ideal pacification, through suspending broad ethical and political contexts and consequently with the perpetuation of inequalities. Considering this double facet of the bullying construct is therefore essential for thinking about academic productions, public policies, school intervention programs, products and services, and also the news coverage which were in action in the past, active in the present, and to be planned in the future in favor of human rights and social justice.

Esta tese oferta uma mirada antropológica sobre a agência da noção de bullying situada como uma categoria de acusação social no cotidiano contemporâneo brasileiro. Nascido como construto científico durante os anos 70, na região escandinava, o bullying conferiu nome a condutas, típicas em escolas, de intimidação sistemática entre pares, no interior de um decurso civilizatório no Ocidente que passa a atribuir reconhecimento a agressões de feitio moral. No Brasil, a acepção de bullying populariza-se apenas mais tardiamente, em meados da primeira década dos 2000. O espraiamento do conceito no país, inclusive para além dos muros das instituições de ensino, se dá num período sociopolítico específico: aquele de operação sem anterioridade na história nacional de um conjunto de políticas públicas nos campos da inclusão econômica e da diversidade social, alavancadas pelos governos presidenciais do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Essas iniciativas estatais colocam em primeiro plano tensões seculares presentes na sociedade brasileira perante alteridades e iniquidades de naturezas diversas. Tal quadro desencadeia uma série de disputas e confrontos que agência da noção de bullying trabalha por traduzir, comunicar e, concomitantemente, abastecer. Para problematizar isso, esta investigação apresenta-se como uma etnografia multissituada, a perseguir agenciamentos do bullying em diferentes domínios – científico, estatal, educacional, mercadológico e midiático – , em escalas sociológicas micro, intermediária e macro, a partir de acontecimentos ordinários e extraordinários. Os resultados apontam, de um lado, para um construto que, uma vez legitimado científica e politicamente, se revela potente em desencadear processos de subjetivação e estratégias de militância, capazes de denunciar uma gama de segregações e agir sobre elas. De outro lado, contudo, essas mobilizações encontram limites na exata medida que o conceito possui para subsidiar investidas neoliberais de gestão de populações, as quais demandam o autogoverno dos indivíduos em prol de uma pacificação ideal, mediante suspensão de contextos ético-políticos amplos e consequente perpetuação de desigualdades. A consideração dessa dupla faceta própria ao construto do bullying se coloca, assim, fundamental para pensar produções acadêmicas, políticas públicas, programas escolares de intervenção, produtos e serviços, bem como coberturas noticiosas, em ação no passado, ativos no presente ou, ainda, a serem planificados no futuro em favor dos direitos humanos e da justiça social. / The present dissertation offers an anthropological perspective on the agency of the notion of bullying as a category of social accusation in the Brazilian contemporary everyday life. Born as a scientific construct during the 1970’s in the Scandinavian region, the concept of bullying, within the Western civilization course that now recognizes moral character aggressions, gave a name to typically school-based conducts of systematic intimidation between peers. In Brazil, the notion of bullying is popularized only later, in the first decade of the 2000’s. The concept’s dissemination in the country, even beyond the walls of educational institutions, occurs in a specific sociopolitical period: an unprecedented moment in the national history for the operation of a set of economic inclusion and social diversity policies, leveraged by the presidential governments of the Workers’ Party (PT). These state initiatives bring to the fore secular tensions regarding alterities and inequalities of different natures that have always been present in the Brazilian society. Such framework unleashes a series of disputes and confrontations that the agency of the bullying notion works to translate, to communicate and, at the same time, to instigate. In order to problematize this scenario, this investigation presents itself as a multi-sited ethnography, pursuing bullying agencies in different domains – scientific, state-owned, educational, marketing and media – on micro, intermediate and macro sociological scales, by means of ordinary and extraordinary events. The results point, on the one hand, to a construct that, once legitimated scientifically and politically, proves itself potent in triggering processes of subjectivation and strategies of militancy, capable of denouncing a range of segregations and acting on them. On the other hand, however, these mobilizations find limits in the exact measure that the concept has been subsidizing neoliberal population management efforts, which demand the self-government of individuals for the ideal pacification, through suspending broad ethical and political contexts and consequently with the perpetuation of inequalities. Considering this double facet of the bullying construct is therefore essential for thinking about academic productions, public policies, school intervention programs, products and services, and also the news coverage which were in action in the past, active in the present, and to be planned in the future in favor of human rights and social justice.

Esta tese oferta uma mirada antropológica sobre a agência da noção de bullying situada como uma categoria de acusação social no cotidiano contemporâneo brasileiro. Nascido como construto científico durante os anos 70, na região escandinava, o bullying conferiu nome a condutas, típicas em escolas, de intimidação sistemática entre pares, no interior de um decurso civilizatório no Ocidente que passa a atribuir reconhecimento a agressões de feitio moral. No Brasil, a acepção de bullying populariza-se apenas mais tardiamente, em meados da primeira década dos 2000. O espraiamento do conceito no país, inclusive para além dos muros das instituições de ensino, se dá num período sociopolítico específico: aquele de operação sem anterioridade na história nacional de um conjunto de políticas públicas nos campos da inclusão econômica e da diversidade social, alavancadas pelos governos presidenciais do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Essas iniciativas estatais colocam em primeiro plano tensões seculares presentes na sociedade brasileira perante alteridades e iniquidades de naturezas diversas. Tal quadro desencadeia uma série de disputas e confrontos que agência da noção de bullying trabalha por traduzir, comunicar e, concomitantemente, abastecer. Para problematizar isso, esta investigação apresenta-se como uma etnografia multissituada, a perseguir agenciamentos do bullying em diferentes domínios – científico, estatal, educacional, mercadológico e midiático – , em escalas sociológicas micro, intermediária e macro, a partir de acontecimentos ordinários e extraordinários. Os resultados apontam, de um lado, para um construto que, uma vez legitimado científica e politicamente, se revela potente em desencadear processos de subjetivação e estratégias de militância, capazes de denunciar uma gama de segregações e agir sobre elas. De outro lado, contudo, essas mobilizações encontram limites na exata medida que o conceito possui para subsidiar investidas neoliberais de gestão de populações, as quais demandam o autogoverno dos indivíduos em prol de uma pacificação ideal, mediante suspensão de contextos ético-políticos amplos e consequente perpetuação de desigualdades. A consideração dessa dupla faceta própria ao construto do bullying se coloca, assim, fundamental para pensar produções acadêmicas, políticas públicas, programas escolares de intervenção, produtos e serviços, bem como coberturas noticiosas, em ação no passado, ativos no presente ou, ainda, a serem planificados no futuro em favor dos direitos humanos e da justiça social. / The present dissertation offers an anthropological perspective on the agency of the notion of bullying as a category of social accusation in the Brazilian contemporary everyday life. Born as a scientific construct during the 1970’s in the Scandinavian region, the concept of bullying, within the Western civilization course that now recognizes moral character aggressions, gave a name to typically school-based conducts of systematic intimidation between peers. In Brazil, the notion of bullying is popularized only later, in the first decade of the 2000’s. The concept’s dissemination in the country, even beyond the walls of educational institutions, occurs in a specific sociopolitical period: an unprecedented moment in the national history for the operation of a set of economic inclusion and social diversity policies, leveraged by the presidential governments of the Workers’ Party (PT). These state initiatives bring to the fore secular tensions regarding alterities and inequalities of different natures that have always been present in the Brazilian society. Such framework unleashes a series of disputes and confrontations that the agency of the bullying notion works to translate, to communicate and, at the same time, to instigate. In order to problematize this scenario, this investigation presents itself as a multi-sited ethnography, pursuing bullying agencies in different domains – scientific, state-owned, educational, marketing and media – on micro, intermediate and macro sociological scales, by means of ordinary and extraordinary events. The results point, on the one hand, to a construct that, once legitimated scientifically and politically, proves itself potent in triggering processes of subjectivation and strategies of militancy, capable of denouncing a range of segregations and acting on them. On the other hand, however, these mobilizations find limits in the exact measure that the concept has been subsidizing neoliberal population management efforts, which demand the self-government of individuals for the ideal pacification, through suspending broad ethical and political contexts and consequently with the perpetuation of inequalities. Considering this double facet of the bullying construct is therefore essential for thinking about academic productions, public policies, school intervention programs, products and services, and also the news coverage which were in action in the past, active in the present, and to be planned in the future in favor of human rights and social justice.

En Latinoamérica, la gobernanza del agua se enfrenta con el problema del aumento de la demanda de recursos hídricos, la creciente variabilidad hidrológica en un contexto de cambio climático, y la contaminación que sigue proliferándose. Por lo tanto, se observa una creciente escasez de agua, en cantidad y calidad, generando competencia y conflictos entre los actores involucrados. El problema coincide con el urgente temario internacional de la concentración de tierra, que está muy entrelazado con la concentración del agua en pocas manos. La globalización y un clima político neoliberal facilitan que actores poderosos acumulen derechos y volúmenes de agua a expensas de usuarios de menor poder. Este documento tiene por objetivo examinar el contexto nacional poniendo atención especial en la acumulación en casos ejemplares de la costa peruana. Se basa en revisión de literatura, informes y archivos pertinentes. Concluye que la distribución injusta de tierra y agua, a expensas de familias rurales y de territorios comunales e indígenas, constituye una grave amenaza para la sostenibilidad ambiental, la seguridad hídrica y la seguridad alimentaria. / In Latin America, water governance is facing the problem of rising demand for water resources, increased hydrological variability in a context of climate change, proliferating contamination and thus —in general— increasing scarcity of water in terms of quantity, quality, and opportunity. This creates competition and conflicts among stakeholders. The issue coincides with the urgent international problem of concentration of land, which is heavily intertwined with the concentration of water in the hands of the few. Globalization and a neoliberal political climate facilitate that powerful actors accumulate water rights and volumes at the expense of less powerful water users. This paper examines some exemplary situations in Peru. It is based on literature review, reports and archival research. The paper concludes that the unfair distribution of land and water, at the expense of rural families, communities and indigenous territories, constitutes a serious threat to environmental sustainability, water security and food security.