Orientador : Trajano Augusto Ricca Vieira / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T04:16:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 BaracatJunior_JoseCarlos_D.pdf: 13522900 bytes, checksum: f7084aaa28e783e6b36bbc9ade9b55af (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Compõem esta tese de doutoramento a tradução dos vinte e sete tratados contidos nas Enéadas I, II e lU de Plotino, um estudo introdutório a aspectos estruturais, estilísticos e filosóficos de sua obra, e ainda a tradução da Vida de Platina, biografia redigida por Porfírio, discípulo, amigo e editor de Plotino / Abstract: This monograph is composed of the translation of the twenty seven treatises contained on Plotinus' Enneads I, II and lU, an introductory study on his works' structural, stylistic, and philosophical aspects, and also the translation of Life af Platinus, written by Porphyry, Plotinus' disciple, friend and editor / Doutorado / Doutor em Linguística

The early 9th century Carolingian manuscript of the Epistola Anne ad Senecam was discovered by B. Bischoff in the Archiepiscopal library of Cologne and published by him 1984. It is a short, incomplete Latin text of some ninety lines that Bischoff identified as a late antique Jewish missionsschrift addressed to certain unidentified fratres. There is little agreement in the current literature on the identity of the author or the addressee(s), nor on the date of its composition, and it has been proposed that the text is in fact Christian. The titulus has been taken as a later interpolation with no relation to the work. There have been two subsequent editions (Jacobi and Hilhorst) and a German translation (Wischmeyer) all dependent on Bischoff’s editio princeps. No extended study of the text has been published. The present study reexamines the text and presents a corrected edition of the Latin from the original manuscript together with an English translation. An analysis of the latinity and rhetoric of the text shows it to be have been written by a highly literate author aimed at a pagan, aristocratic audience similar to the group seen in the works of Macrobius. The fratres are not the prime addressee of the text but represent a Iamblichan neoplatonic group addressed in an apostrophe within the text. The use of a mixed cursus in the clausulae indicates a late 4th-5th century date. The work is shown to allude to Genesis and sapiential texts, particularly Wisdom but does not quote directly from them. There are indications that the author is using Biblical texts that are substantially different from the Vulgate Latin and possibly dependent on the Hebrew. The Epistola also appears to show a familiarity with a number of works of Seneca; Naturales Quaestiones, De Beneficiis and De Supersitione. An intertextual link between the text and Augustine’s De Civitate Dei and the De Reditu Suo of Rutilius Namatianus suggest a composition of the text in the second decade of the fifth century, c. 415. This would allow the author to be identified with the Annas didascalus Iudaeorum mentioned in the Theodosian code as active on behalf of the Jewish community at the imperial court in Ravenna, and a plausible context is reconstructed for such a scenario. Placed in the historical context of late paganism, the text is interpreted as constituting a protreptic exhorting its audience to avoid the obscurities of neoplatonism and the inanities of the cult of Liber Pater and to follow a philosophical faith consonant with that of the author. It can thus be seen as an attempt to establish a Jewish-Pagan dialogue in the face of the continuing Christianisation of the empire at a time when this process was still not seen as irreversible.

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A b s t r a c t The present thesis proceeds in its exposition of the initial assertion of the unity of beauty and goodness in Plotinus' philosophy. The thesis puts forward the question of the source and definition of the intuitive and philosophical persuasiveness of such a unity, and its ontological foundation in the philosophy of Plotinus. The thesis' intention is to clarify how the abovemen- tioned unity may be thought of, what is its nature, wherein lays its foundation. The foremost aim of this work is exploration, and potentially resolution, of the following aporia, which, as I hope, is not trivial and may shed new light upon Plotinus' metaphysics, especially his under- standing of the relationshipofbeautyandgoodness:inwhatsensearebeautyandgoodnessinunity (what is the principle of such a unity and its foundation), inwhichsensearetheymutuallydistinct (what is the nature of such a distinction)? My interest lays not only with the exposition of the rôle and status of beauty and goodness in Plotinus' thinking, but rather the exploration of dif- ferent ways they mightbe united in such an eminent sense, yet simultaneouslydistinctlyinde- pendent. Our investigation, following Plotinus' exposition of the topic of beauty in Enn. I, 6, shall lead us from the analysis of beauty at the level of thesensual world...

This thesis will explore whether Augustine of Hippo altered his theological views and what influences might have precipitated the alleged modifications. Augustine’s early "De libero arbitrio" argued for an individual’s ability to respond freely to God while his later anti-Pelagian writings rejected any human ability to believe until God infuses grace creating belief as his gift. Does his theology exhibit continuity or discontinuity? Four commonplace assertions within Augustinian studies are questioned in this thesis: 1.) Augustine changed his theology in AD 396; 2.) while he was writing the letter to Bishop Simplicianus (Simpl.); 3.) with his transition occurring through reading scripture (Rom.7, 9;1 Cor.15); 4.) which he developed through merely modifying prevalent doctrines. No scholarly work has researched Augustine’s entire corpus from AD 386–430 specifically analyzing his theology in the five final doctrines of: 1.) God giving initial faith as a gift, 2.) inherited damnable reatus from Adam, 3.) the gift of perseverance, 4.) unilateral pre-determination of persons’s eternal destinies independently of foreknowledge, and 5.) God’s neither desiring nor providing for the salvation of all persons. Only a comprehensive methodological approach—reading systematically, chronologically, and comprehensively through his entire corpus—can legitimately demonstrate changes. Did a Patristic consensus exist regarding post-Adamic free choice? What was Augustine’s contribution to this theology? To what degree did the combination of Stoicism, Neoplatonism, and Manichaeism contribute to his liberum arbitrium captivatum? Chapters include an introduction followed by chapters on free choice versus determinism in the: 1.) ancient philosophical-religious world, 2.) Christian authors AD 95–215, 3.) Christian authors AD 216–430, 4.) Augustine’s works AD 386–395, 5.) Augustine’s works AD 396–411, 6.) Augustine’s works AD 412–426, 7.) Augustine’s works AD 427–430, 8.) sermons and epistles, 9.) Augustine’s exegesis of scripture, and 10.) conclusion. Conclusions will be established via extensive primary quotations and references with supporting secondary sources.

Marsilio Ficino provides the ground to consider Renaissance Platonism as a distinctive movement within the vast context of Renaissance philosophy. Ficino's Platonism includes traces of earlier humanistic thought and ideas from Neoplatonic philosophers such as Plotinus, Proclus, and Dionysius the Areopagite. Ficino was able to rebuild a traditional philosophy that, from the ancient Greeks to Plotinus, had established the harmony between paganism and Christianity. Neoplatonism, characterized by complex metaphysical, ethical, and psychological canons, provided the grounds for Ficino's cosmological challenge to merge the cyclical aspect of the universe with the religious notion of the soul, in order to secure its cosmic position. Ficino adopted Plotinus hierarchy of being as a dominant component of his own thought. His formulations on the three hypostases and the movements of the soul allow him to develop his own hierarchy of the universe, in which soul anchors the metaphysics of the structure and reaffirms its ontological nature as immortal. / by Nora I. Ayala. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2011. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2011. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Julio Cesar Moreira.pdf: 637637 bytes, checksum: f56dd557f3620c7b4ff6438de443dc32 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Theurgy, the action of the gods during the ritual acts, a practice incorporated, in late Antiquity, by the philosophical school of Iamblichus as a techné which conducts to, considered at that time, the ultimate experience of Philosophy become like the gods (homóiosis théo) , had influenced and determined the course of the entire Neoplatonism until the end of the ancient Academy. In the work De Mysteriis, which has long been considered irrational , Iamblichus, under the pseudonym of an Egyptian priest, structures the philosophical foundations of the theurgic art, covering topics such as: oracles, possessions, prophetic dreams, divine manifestations in general. The present dissertation aims at a reassessment and rereading of the work based on recent publications of the author s collected philosophical fragments, as well as academic studies derived from them. Through a careful disentangling of the threads of his narrative, an analysis of the first three Books of the work is made, erecting the philosophical foundations of divine manifestations and of the efficacy of the ritual. It exposes thus the argumentation regarding the theurgic art, demonstrating an innovative, complex and syncretic system, nicely elaborated in a high philosophical erudition of his time. It concludes the revised reading of the first three Books and their philosophical foundations of Theurgy, in order to justify the redemption of the depreciated status of the work, pointing also to a new appraisal and repositioning of Iamblichus as a key-element author, in the history of philosophy, to the whole tradition of philosophical foundations of mystical revelations in various later philosophical currents of neoplatonic heritage, until the end of the Renaissance / Teurgia, a ação dos deuses durante os atos ritualísticos, uma prática incorporada, na Antiguidade tardia, pela escola filosófica de Jâmblico como uma techné que conduz à, então considerada, experiência última da Filosofia tornar-se como os deuses (homóiosis théo) , influenciou e determinou o rumo de todo o Neoplatonismo subsequente, até o fim da Academia antiga. Na obra De Mysteriis, que há muito vem sendo considerada irracional , Jâmblico, sob o pseudônimo de um sacerdote egípcio, estrutura os fundamentos filosóficos da arte teúrgica, abordando temas como: oráculos, possessões, sonhos proféticos, manifestações divinas em geral. A presente dissertação visa a uma revisão e releitura da obra embasada nas recentes publicações dos recolhidos fragmentos filosóficos do autor, bem como decorrentes estudos acadêmicos. Por meio de um cuidadoso desembaraçar dos fios de sua narrativa analisam-se os três primeiros Livros da obra, erigindo os fundamentos filosóficos das manifestações divinas e da eficácia do ritual. Expõe-se, assim, a argumentação referente a arte teúrgica, evidenciando um inovador, complexo e sincrético sistema, muito bem elaborado em uma alta erudição filosófica de sua época. Conclui-se a revisada leitura dos três primeiros Livros e seus fundamentos filosóficos da Teurgia, de forma a justificar a redenção do status depreciado da obra, apontando, ainda, uma nova avaliação e reposicionamento de Jâmblico como autor, na história da filosofia, elemento-chave de toda uma tradição de fundamentos filosóficos sobre revelações místicas, em diversas correntes filosóficas posteriores de herança neoplatônica, até o fim da Renascença

Responding to the absence of readily available models in Australia for thinking about Christian higher education, this thesis investigates what might constitute its foundational principles and distinctive character. The thesis considers the Western Christian tradition, the history of the university, and the contemporary experience of Christian higher education in the United States to identify models for thinking about Christian higher education. It is argued that a central issue to be addressed in developing a distinctively Christian approach to scholarship is the relationship of faith and reason, an issue to which the Christian tradition offers a range of approaches. The question of faith and reason has a wider cultural significance since, it is argued, Western culture is fundamentally constituted by the relationship of Jerusalem and Athens, in which the inherent tensions do not obscure an ultimate commitment to the unity of truth. In contemporary debates over Christian higher education, the concept of faith-learning integration is a central issue. Given the variety of definitions and models proposed, the thesis considers the approaches which have been adopted in the Christian tradition. The approaches of Philo and the Church Fathers to classical learning are considered, with extended attention given to the 'faith seeking understanding' model attributed to St Augustine. Drawing upon Neoplatonism, Augustine's theory of illumination explained why true knowledge was dependent upon divine revelation. Augustine's approach also held that 'all truth is God's truth', and justified the appropriation of classical learning as analogous to the Hebrews 'spoiling Egypt' at the time of the Exodus. The Augustinian approach offers significant insight into the role of the will and the affections in knowing, and justifies belief as a reliance upon authority. While Augustine's is not the only model that might validly be termed 'Christian', and is not without its problems, it is a model which still has much to offer to Christian higher education today. The Augustinian approach has a profound historical significance since it established the epistemological framework for western Christendom throughout the middle ages. In responding to the criticism that the term 'Christian university' is an oxymoron, the thesis also considers aspects of the history of the medieval and Reformation universities, seeking to establish the extent to which it is possible for the university to be regarded as a Christian institution. It is argued that the university did not arise out of the rediscovery of Aristotelian philosophy, and that it is indeed possible to regard the university as a Christian institution for much of its history. The possibility of a Christian university today is thus not inconsistent with the history and institutional character of the university. The contributions to thinking about faith and learning and Christian higher education of Thomas Aquinas, Martin Luther, John Calvin, and John Henry Newman are also discussed. One of the critical tasks of Christian higher education generally, and of a Christian university specifically, is the synthesis or integration of faith and learning, of which both Augustine and Thomas Aquinas were exemplars. It is argued however that, while the Thomistic approach can validly be termed 'Christian', it has been more successfully pursued in Catholic institutions than in their Protestant counterparts in which a central authority to regulate the boundaries of the domains of faith and reason is absent. A critical issue for Christian higher education today is that of secularising pressures, and thus the recent history of the secularisation of Christian higher education institutions in the United States is also considered. It is argued that the secularisation of these institutions was due particularly to the view of faith and learning which they had adopted. The study concludes that the 'worldview' approach advocated by Abraham Kuyper offers an approach to scholarship which is both resistant to secularisation, and consistent with the Christian tradition, particularly as expressed by Augustine and Calvin.

This thesis contrasts the Plotinean attitude towards transcendence at the cosmological level with that of certain Kabbalistic authors of the 13th-17th century. Special emphasis is placed on the different approaches taken by each of the two sides to addressing the origin of otherness. Following a brief introduction to the notion of the question of transcendence, the first major part (chapter II) is dedicated to an exploration of the Plotinean conception of metaphysical "descent" from the One to subsequent hypostases. The second major part (chapter III) focuses on Kabbalistic conceptions of the descent from the indefinite infinite to the finite (limited) realm. Finally, I attempt to illustrate the questions and concerns common to each of the two cosmologies. In so doing, I make use of semiotic concepts to clarify the contrast between the two models.

Several commentators make the claim that Augustine is not a systematic thinker. The purpose of this thesis is to refute that claim in one specific area of Augustine's thought, the metaphysical foundations underlying his solutions to the problem of evil. Through an exegetical examination of various works in which Augustine writes on evil, I show that his solutions for both natural and moral evil rely on a coherent metaphysical system, conceived of and expounded upon within a Platonically influenced Christian context.