Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gabriela Bal.pdf: 1502665 bytes, checksum: 5df7721487fa5bde58d28dc7baca8e04 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This Doctoral Dissertation seeks to find the No-Where , starting and finishing point whence the Neoplatonic philosophers - Plotinus, Iamblichus and Damascius - wrote, when faced with the Ineffable Presence of That One which attracts us with Its Silence and Who, instead of silencing, becomes loquacious indicators of that which hides behind that which is said and that which no language is able to contemplate without betraying itself. We will start by investigating, in Part I, Plotinus Cataphatic and Apophatic languages (Chapters One and Two, respectively) from the exegesis of Plato s Parmenides, especially its first hypotheses. Departing from Plotinus One we will analyze the enigmatic aspect of mystical language until we understand, with Plotinus, that it is just another manner for seeing that which those who contemplate the highest and whose mystical language alludes to, through grammar resources, such as the adverbs of place and superlatives, embodied through the language of Love, whose breach opens cracks through which we communicate something that is possible by means of images, metaphors and analogies, until we are forced to use the so called negative, apophatic or aphairetic language. Plato s Parmenides, as a turning point, united at a distance - the perspectives of our interlocutors weaving thus, in an invisible woof, the same we supposed existed from the very beginning, but whose name we did not know, but which revealed itself to us in a simple and instantaneous manner, because it was there, present, in each one of them, its own way. In Part II of this work, we will work the language of Transcendence. The very specific way each one of them developed a personal philosophical corpus departing from the hypotheses of Plato s Parmenides reveals that very thing that the dialog intends to arouse: the ascetic course both of the disciple (for Plotinus) and of the pilgrim (for Iamblichus). In its limit, the aporia brings about, in Damascius discourse (Chapter Three), an inversion, by means of which language twist and turns itself until it becomes utterly exausted when, leaving everything that had been aggregated to thought, we find ourselves all alone, faced with our nothingness. With nothing left, before the abyss, in this instant , hurled forward because we still had not found the No-Where , we meet Iamblichus (Chapter Four), which presents us with the chance of returning, no more by means of our own efforts, but, inspired by the Caldaic Oracles, through Teurgy as complement to Philosophy and not in opposition to it, having reached the limit to which the latter had led us, in the dialog with Plato s Parmenides, it promotes a shift in Plato s Parmenidean paradigm, revealing that which it was supposed to give birth to, and which was beforehand veiled, and which is up to the instant to reveal / Esta tese de doutorado busca encontrar o Não-lugar , ponto de partida e de chegada a partir do qual escreveram os filósofos neoplatônicos Plotino, Jâmblico e Damáscio, ao se depararem com a Presença Inefável Daquele que nos atrai com o seu Silêncio e que, ao invés de se calarem, tornam-se loquazes indicadores do que se esconde por trás do que é dito e que linguagem alguma consegue contemplar sem trair a si própria. Começaremos por investigar, na primeira parte deste estudo, a linguagem catafática e apofática de Plotino (1º e 2º Capítulos, respectivamente) a partir da exegese do Parmênides de Platão, especialmente a primeira hipótese. A partir do Um de Plotino vislumbraremos o aspecto enigmático da linguagem mística até entendermos, com Plotino, tratar-se de outra maneira de ver aquela de quem contempla o mais alto e que a linguagem mística alude através de recursos gramaticais, tais como os advérbios de lugar e superlativos, e que se concretizam através da linguagem do Amor, cuja brecha abre fendas por meio das quais nos comunicamos, o que é possível por meio de imagens, metáforas e analogias até sermos forçados a utilizar a linguagem negativa, apofática e afairética. O Parmênides de Platão, como um divisor de águas, aproximou - à distância - as perspectivas de nossos interlocutores tecendo uma trama invisível, a mesma que vislumbrávamos existir desde o início, mas que desconhecíamos o nome, que veio a se revelar a nós de modo simples e instantâneo, porque estava ali presente, em cada um deles, à sua maneira. Na segunda parte deste estudo trabalharemos a linguagem da Transcendência. A maneira muito particular como cada um deles desenvolveu um corpo filosófico próprio, a partir das hipóteses do Parmênides, revela aquilo mesmo que o diálogo pretende suscitar: o percurso ascético tanto do discípulo (para Plotino) quanto do peregrino (para Jâmblico). Em seu limite, a aporia realiza, no discurso de Damáscio (3º capítulo), uma inversão, por meio da qual a linguagem se contorce e inverte até a mais completa exaustão quando, abandonando tudo o que havíamos agregado ao pensar, nos encontramos sós e diante de nosso nada. Sem mais nada, diante do abismo, neste instante , arremeçados adiante porque ainda não havíamos encontrado o Não-lugar encontramos Jâmblico (4º capítulo), que nos brinda com a possibilidade de retorno, não mais através de nossos esforços, mas, inspirado pelos Oráculos Caldáicos, na teurgia como complemento da filosofia e não em oposição à mesma, tendo ido até o extremo em que esta pode nos conduzir, no diálogo com o Parmênides de Platão, promove uma mudança do paradigma parmenideano de Platão, revelando aquilo que lhe coube trazer à luz e que estava antes encoberto, o que só o instante pode revelar

Au XVe siècle, le philosophe florentin Marsile Ficin (1433-1499) rédige un texte singulier intitulé De vita coelitus comparanda ou « comment obtenir la vie du ciel » qui deviendra le troisième et dernier livre d’un ouvrage médical de plus large envergure, le De vita libri tres, consacré à conserver et à prolonger la santé des hommes de lettres accablés sous le poids de l’étude. Ce texte est tout entier consacré au pouvoir apotropaïque et prophylactique du talisman ou « image astrologique », une notion savante qui apparaît en Occident au milieu du XIIIe siècle, et insiste tout particulièrement sur la matérialité, la forme et l’apparence de ces images. Ainsi Ficin développe-t-il un discours original par rapport à la tradition en se concentrant sur le processus de fabrication, discours qui n’est pas sans rappeler les premières théories de l’art qui apparaissent à la même époque à Florence. Ficin réhabilite la figure du mage antique dans le cadre d’une réflexion plus vaste qui met en exergue le pouvoir créateur de l’homme en tant que savant, humaniste et philosophe. Si le postulat d’une influence tardive du néoplatonisme ficinien sur la littérature artistique du XVIe siècle a donné lieu à de nombreuses études, il apparaît en revanche que les rapports que Ficin était susceptible d’entretenir avec le monde des artistes, et surtout des artistes-théoriciens du XVe siècle, demeure un terrain relativement peu exploré. Tout l’enjeu de notre travail se situe donc dans la triple interrogation que ce concours de circonstances soulève : quel rôle jouent au sein de la pensée magique de Ficin les allusions à l’art et à sa pratique qui traversent l'ensemble de son œuvre? dans quelle mesure la notion d’«image astrologique» qu’il reprend et développe s’est-elle nourrie de la nouvelle littérature artistique alors en pleine formation? et enfin, comment peut-on affirmer que certaines œuvres typiques du Quattrocento florentin relèvent d’un caractère « mixte » oscillant entre le produit de l’art à proprement parler et l’objet magique? / In fifteenth-century Florence, the philosopher Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499) wrote the De vita coelitus comparanda, i.e. “how to capture life from the heavens”, which would later form the last and third book of a larger volume titled De vita libri tres. The latter exposes the means to preserve the health and extend the life of man of letters afflicted by their intense studies. The former deals with the apotropaic and prophylactic power of the talismans also called “astrological images”, following a learned concept which appeared in Western Europe in the mid-thirteenth century, and focuses on the materiality, form and appearance of these images. Ficino hence develops a new reflexion that focuses on the process of making which seems to echo new artistic theories devised during the same period in Florence. Ficino redeems the figure of the ancient magus by enhancing man’s creative power and his status as a philosopher and a humanist. The assumption of a late influence of Ficino’s neoplatonic thought on the arts in the sixteenth century has led to several studies but its genesis and its potential links with the artistic world and, especially his fellows artist-theoreticians, remained to be fully investigated. This thesis aims therefore to investigate the role of the artistic references within Ficino’s magic thought, the influence of contemporary ideas on the art practice upon his conception of “astrological image”, and the nature of specific artworks typical of fifteenth-century Florence, which seem to respond to both a magical and an artistic purpose.

Le Druzisme représente un courant philosophico-religieux qui peut être considéré comme une doctrine d'apparence religieuse, de pensée philosophique et systématique, de référence gnostique dans l'histoire de l'Islam. Ses adeptes vivent en communauté hermétique, ses sages (šeiẖs) se retirent dans des réclusions (ẖalwāt) en s'isolant comme des mystiques, ils se livrent à une retraite spirituelle sans pratique religieuse, ils ne se réfèrent à aucune tradition précédente des religions monothéistes, de par leurs écrits ou leurs pratiques. Ils conservent une tradition et une éthique avec un code de conduite et des interdits culinaires. En revanche, le Druzisme est né au sein de l'Isma`ilisme, il établit un lien intellectuel et spirituel avec la philosophie antique et avec le néoplatonisme tout en assimilant des éléments des religions d'orient avec des éléments grecs helléniques. Peut-on alors parler d'une secte de l'Islam, du moment où il n'y a aucun lien avec ce dernier sinon le milieu historique dans lequel celle-ci est vu le jour? Peut-on parler de religion, quand il n'y a aucune religiosité ou pratique religieuse exprimée ou vécue? S'agit-il de dire que l'on est face à une théosophie alors que le lien entre les membres de la communauté n'est pas fondé sur la philosophie et que le commun des Druzes n'est pas philosophe? Comment qualifier ce phénomène d'une communauté dont le lien est une foi qui n'est pas exprimée religieusement, et une doctrine dont le contenu n'est pas révélé, à laquelle s'attachent des membres qui ne le connaissent qu'une fois initiés? En somme, qui sont les Druzes et qu'est-ce que le Druzisme? Existe-t-il un lien entre cette doctrine et la gnose? / Druzism is a philosophico-religious movement which may be considered primarily as a doctrine but with a religious appearance, a systematic and philosophical thinking, with some reference to Gnosticism in the history of Islam. Its adherents live in a community of hermits, its wisemen (šeiẖs) retire in seclusion (ẖalwāt) by isolating themselves like mystics, as they deliver themselves to living in a spiritual retreat, without any religious practice ; they refer to no previous religious traditions even among the monotheistic ones, whether in reference to their sacred writings or religious practice. The Druze adheres to a tradition and a code of ethics and behaviour, as well as to culinary prohibitions. Druzism itself however, was born in the heart of Ismailism, while establishing an intellectual and a spiritual link with both ancient philosophies and neoplatonism, all the while assimilating various element of mid and far-eastern religions, mixed with Greek and Hellenistic ideas. Can we therefore speak of the Druze as if forming a sect of Islam? Can we even speak of a religion where in fact there is no trace of religiosity or religious practice either expressed or lived? Is it possible that we are facing theosophy where the link between the members of the community is certainly not founded on a philosophy? How can one qualify this phenomenon of a community where the main tenet is that of a faith which is not expressed in a religious manner, and a held doctrine the contents of which are not revealed, to which its members adhere, not knowing it fully unless once initiated? In summary, who are the Druzes, and what is Druzism? Is there a link between its doctrine and that of Gnosticism?

Proclus is part of a long exegetical tradition that understands Plato and Homer to be in agreement. The Sixth Essay of his Commentary on Plato’s Republic particularly significant because it is the only extant ancient text that attempts to prove the concord of Plato and Homer philosophically. Yet, despite his uniquely reasoned approach, this endeavour suffers from charges of irrationalism. The necessity that drives him to seek this conciliation is thought to come from the pious attachment he has to Homer as an authority rather than the properly philosophical demands of his rational system. The aim of this thesis is to show that Proclus’ need to show Plato and Homer’s agreement is not an irrational adjunct to an otherwise rational outlook, but that it follows from the central doctrines of his philosophy. This will be accomplished through a detailed consideration of Proclus’ doctrine of the poetic ????????. In looking at how Proclus’ reading of Plato in the Sixth Essay is informed by his understanding of ????????, we will see how Homer becomes the means, both of taking the traditional criticisms of Plato’s apparent self-contradiction seriously and also of defending him against them. In looking in turn at how the soul actually experiences the ??????? of Homer’s inspired poetry, it shall become apparent that Homer does not just save the coherence of rational thought in this exterior way, but that his poetry operates as both the possibility and perfection of the rational soul’s various powers.

Christians, Gnostics, and Platonists attempts to characterize the ethos of late antiquity (100–500 CE) as one that despised matter and the body. It operates within the assumption that there are four criteria which establish this characterization, namely an emphasis on the evil of life, a distrust of the sociopolitical world, asceticism, and an interest in the supernatural. These four criteria are evident in the Platonists, Christians, and Gnostics of the period. As Chapter Two reveals the dissertation understands the concept of ethos in the context of R. C. Trench's discussion of aion: "all the thoughts, opinions, maxims, speculations, impulses, and aspirations present in the world at any given time." In Chapter Three Plato and the Middle Platonists are viewed as bequeathing to late antiquity its world–denying philosophy which the Gnostics preached more incessantly than the Platonists and the Christians practiced more conscientiously than the Gnostics. The Neoplatonists were the Platonists of late antiquity. In the writings of such figures as Plotinus and Porphyry the hatred of matter and the body is boldly expressed, and it is only slightly less apparent in later philosophers like Iamblichus and Proclus. In Plotinus we discern a profound distrust of the sociopolitical world and in Proclus a thoroughgoing asceticism paired with an interest in the supernatural. In Chapter Four it is shown that Gnosticism was more unyielding than either Platonism or Christianity in its insistence that matter and the body were evil, and it followed the late antique distrust of the social world both in its elitism and in its view of martyrdom as an act of casting pearls before swine. Gnosticism tended to accept the asceticism of late antiquity though some of its adherents practiced an extreme licentiousness that was the counterpart of asceticism in that it approached the body as worthless. The late antique emphasis on the supernatural is evidenced by such Gnostic figures as Simon Magus, Carpocrates, and Valentinus. Chapter Five demonstrates that the hatred of matter and the body is also expressed by the Christians albeit with less consistency to their worldview. It can be glimpsed in the ante– Nicene, post–Nicene, and desert fathers as well as in the Arians. It is most notable in the attempts of Justin Martyr, Origen, and Arius to place the Son at a lower ontological level than the Father in order to protect God from the evil entity of matter. The late antique distrust of the sociopolitical world is manifested in the Christian view of martyrdom as a way of scorning a corrupt world, a view unlike that of the Gnostics. No one possessed this distrust more strongly than the Donatists with whom the later Augustine had some kinship. Many of the Christians tended to practice asceticism and the miraculous, the form in which the supernatural took in their case. The desert fathers can be said to be the most sincere representatives of late antiquity with their intense practice of both of these expressions of the ethos. / Thesis (M.A. (Church and Dogma history))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.

Christians, Gnostics, and Platonists attempts to characterize the ethos of late antiquity (100–500 CE) as one that despised matter and the body. It operates within the assumption that there are four criteria which establish this characterization, namely an emphasis on the evil of life, a distrust of the sociopolitical world, asceticism, and an interest in the supernatural. These four criteria are evident in the Platonists, Christians, and Gnostics of the period. As Chapter Two reveals the dissertation understands the concept of ethos in the context of R. C. Trench's discussion of aion: "all the thoughts, opinions, maxims, speculations, impulses, and aspirations present in the world at any given time." In Chapter Three Plato and the Middle Platonists are viewed as bequeathing to late antiquity its world–denying philosophy which the Gnostics preached more incessantly than the Platonists and the Christians practiced more conscientiously than the Gnostics. The Neoplatonists were the Platonists of late antiquity. In the writings of such figures as Plotinus and Porphyry the hatred of matter and the body is boldly expressed, and it is only slightly less apparent in later philosophers like Iamblichus and Proclus. In Plotinus we discern a profound distrust of the sociopolitical world and in Proclus a thoroughgoing asceticism paired with an interest in the supernatural. In Chapter Four it is shown that Gnosticism was more unyielding than either Platonism or Christianity in its insistence that matter and the body were evil, and it followed the late antique distrust of the social world both in its elitism and in its view of martyrdom as an act of casting pearls before swine. Gnosticism tended to accept the asceticism of late antiquity though some of its adherents practiced an extreme licentiousness that was the counterpart of asceticism in that it approached the body as worthless. The late antique emphasis on the supernatural is evidenced by such Gnostic figures as Simon Magus, Carpocrates, and Valentinus. Chapter Five demonstrates that the hatred of matter and the body is also expressed by the Christians albeit with less consistency to their worldview. It can be glimpsed in the ante– Nicene, post–Nicene, and desert fathers as well as in the Arians. It is most notable in the attempts of Justin Martyr, Origen, and Arius to place the Son at a lower ontological level than the Father in order to protect God from the evil entity of matter. The late antique distrust of the sociopolitical world is manifested in the Christian view of martyrdom as a way of scorning a corrupt world, a view unlike that of the Gnostics. No one possessed this distrust more strongly than the Donatists with whom the later Augustine had some kinship. Many of the Christians tended to practice asceticism and the miraculous, the form in which the supernatural took in their case. The desert fathers can be said to be the most sincere representatives of late antiquity with their intense practice of both of these expressions of the ethos. / Thesis (M.A. (Church and Dogma history))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.

This dissertation examines the spiritual poetry of Michelangelo Buonarroti (1475-1564) in light of three distinct but related contexts: Italian Evangelism of the Catholic Reformation, the Italian lauda tradition, and Renaissance Augustinianism. After reviewing the reception and critical history of Michelangelo’s poetry, chapter one presents the anthropological approach of the present study as an effective means of illuminating the poet’s spiritual verses by considering what they may have meant – collectively and individually – to the poet himself. Chapter two analyzes Michelangelo’s lyrics inspired by Vittoria Colonna with respect to the Spirituali of the Ecclesia viterbiensis in general and to the Beneficio di Cristo and personal letters of Vittoria Colonna in particular. It shows that the portrayal of Vittoria Colonna in this poetry as an instrument of grace effecting Michelangelo’s spiritual refashioning, rebirth, and renewal reflects a theology of the Holy Spirit that was dear to the Italian Evangelical community and central to their self-perception. The third chapter presents the Italian lauda tradition and its mystical verses addressing Christ and the Holy Spirit as an inspiration for Michelangelo who, in a later spiritual sonnet, borrowed directly from one of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s laude. This chapter shows how Michelangelo’s verse is informed by a long, popular Christian tradition in the vernacular. The discussion in chapter four centres on Dante’s Commedia and on the Augustinian allegoreses that permeate Landino’s Comento to the grand epic. These two works, it is argued, constitute sources as important as Petrarch’s Canzoniere for Michelangelo’s Augustinian vision of a mystico-moral ascent through conversion. This dissertation concludes that for Michelangelo poetry became an instrument of spiritual devotion. His mystical verses reveal a Catholic intellectual versant in Italian rhetoric of the Catholic Reformation and a poet inspired by Paul, Augustine, and the Italian lauda tradition.

This dissertation examines the spiritual poetry of Michelangelo Buonarroti (1475-1564) in light of three distinct but related contexts: Italian Evangelism of the Catholic Reformation, the Italian lauda tradition, and Renaissance Augustinianism. After reviewing the reception and critical history of Michelangelo’s poetry, chapter one presents the anthropological approach of the present study as an effective means of illuminating the poet’s spiritual verses by considering what they may have meant – collectively and individually – to the poet himself. Chapter two analyzes Michelangelo’s lyrics inspired by Vittoria Colonna with respect to the Spirituali of the Ecclesia viterbiensis in general and to the Beneficio di Cristo and personal letters of Vittoria Colonna in particular. It shows that the portrayal of Vittoria Colonna in this poetry as an instrument of grace effecting Michelangelo’s spiritual refashioning, rebirth, and renewal reflects a theology of the Holy Spirit that was dear to the Italian Evangelical community and central to their self-perception. The third chapter presents the Italian lauda tradition and its mystical verses addressing Christ and the Holy Spirit as an inspiration for Michelangelo who, in a later spiritual sonnet, borrowed directly from one of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s laude. This chapter shows how Michelangelo’s verse is informed by a long, popular Christian tradition in the vernacular. The discussion in chapter four centres on Dante’s Commedia and on the Augustinian allegoreses that permeate Landino’s Comento to the grand epic. These two works, it is argued, constitute sources as important as Petrarch’s Canzoniere for Michelangelo’s Augustinian vision of a mystico-moral ascent through conversion. This dissertation concludes that for Michelangelo poetry became an instrument of spiritual devotion. His mystical verses reveal a Catholic intellectual versant in Italian rhetoric of the Catholic Reformation and a poet inspired by Paul, Augustine, and the Italian lauda tradition.

The diploma thesis attempts to present a consistent conception of matter in the philosophy of Plotinus. Its first part therefore contains a presentation of his own ideas about matter employing the interpretation of three key treatises dealing with this topic (Ennead II, 4 (12) "On the Two Kinds of Matter", Ennead III, 6 (26) "On Impassibility of Things Without Body" and Ennead I, 8 (51) "On What Are And Whence Come Evils"), the second part is dedicated to the overview and criticism of major modern interpretations of Plotinian matter. The third part then introduces my own approach, consisting of splitting Plotinus' hypostatis of soul into two hypostases, and identifying matter with the procession (i.e. proodic aspect) of the ontologically lower of the two. Arguments are offered for these nonstandard interpretive choices; the resulting conception is shown both as self-consistent as well as consistent with Plotinus' metaphysics as such, and it is demonstrated to be able to reconstruct the features that Plotinus attributes to matter.

No description available.