Over the past few decades, the volume of international migrants has increased considerably. As a result, impacts of international migration on migrants' communities of origin have become much more prevalent and diverse. Using both quantitative and qualitative methods, this dissertation investigates a little studied aspect of such diverse impacts: the impact upon ethnic structures and relations in migrants' communities of origin. More specifically, I examine to what extent international migration affects the level of socioeconomic inequality across ethnic groups and how such impacts influence indigenous people's ethnic identity in two Central American countries: Guatemala and Nicaragua. I contend that ethnic identity shift is one of the most significant changes that international migration brings to these countries because such a shift can even endanger the existence of the indigenous population. I have found that international migration reinforces ethnic identity shift from indigenous to Mestizo in both countries. At the same time, the pace of such a shift differs by a community's characteristics including its demographic composition and definition of indigenousness. While it is hard to deny the fact that international migration provides indigenous people in both countries economic opportunities that are hard to obtain through other ways, it can also have unexpectedly negative effects on ethnic minorities and their cultures in the long run. Since indigenous people in both countries face a tough economic reality, it is difficult to prevent them from migrating to other countries. In such a situation, to conserve indigenous cultures and prevent more indigenous people from abandoning their ethnic identities, we need to assure that indigenous people can feel pride in their cultures while they participate in national economy and politics under the strong pressure caused by changes originating from international migration and multicultural reforms. Understanding how the definition of indigenousness is constructed and transformed as well as a mechanism of ethnic identity shift is an essential step to finding solutions to the dilemma related to international migration among indigenous people and achieving a robust multicultural society. / text

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本研究旨在討論外債和人權之間的協同作用和緊張關係，藉由探討聯合世界銀行國際貨幣基金組織債務對低收入國家的償債能力，尤其著重尼加拉瓜的例子。筆者發現有效支持兩個變量理論的連結，另外，本研究強調了政治決策改變人權債務的結果。 文獻探討發現過往討論各國償債能力忽略了人權因素，如此會抑止：（一）完成其任務，指導已納入人權要素在其發展援助干預的多邊和雙邊貸款；（二）審議侵犯人權的行為，特別是公民權利和政治權利的破壞治理和機構質量的因素；和（三）解決其減少債務相關的風險政策的人權影響。 研究分析的結果發現高度的侵犯人權行為（特別是公民權利和政治權利），不僅導致政治不穩定，也破壞了宏觀經濟的穩定。 / The author's research studies the synergies and tensions between external debt and human rights. To do this, the study examines the joint world bank-international monetary fund Debt Sustainability Framework for Low Income Countries, whilst paying particular attention to Nicaragua’s case. The author finds support for the validity of theoretical arguments that link the two variables. Specifically, the investigation examines and specifies how political decisions as a result of changes in human rights impact debt sustainability as well as and how high debt affects respect of human rights. The review of the Debt Sustainability Framework revealed that the framework ignores human rights issues in its methodology, which inhibits the framework’s ability to: i) accomplish its mandate to provide guidance to multilateral and bilateral lenders that have incorporated human rights elements in their development aid interventions; ii) to consider human rights violations, especially civil and political rights as a factor that undermines the quality of governance and institutions; and iii) address human rights impacts of the policies which reduce debt related risks. The inclusive growth diagnostic conducted by Nicaragua provided an in-depth study of the growth drivers (repayment capacity) and factors that are hindering their growth. As a result of the analysis, it revealed that high human rights violations (specially civil and political rights) have not only led to political instability, but also undermined macroeconomic stability - upsetting macroeconomic stability and increasing indebtedness.

The socioeconomic context of many biodiversity rich countries is argued to be heavily dwarfed in current conservation and development debate, resulting in that projects that intersect complex issues of development and conservation are often simplistically deemed as being unsuccessful. The aim of this research has therefore been to attain a more profound understanding of how socioeconomic conditions and local neoliberal contexts effect ICDP projects and to an extent also agroecological transition. In this case study ten qualitative life-story interviews were carried out during a minor field study in rural Las Pavas, Nicaragua. These were further analyzed through the use of the sustainable livelihood approach in order to identify what impacts the local socioeconomic contexts had on participant livelihoods and also what prospects and challenges C.I.P.P’s permaculture project presented in this regard. The empirical evidence shows that participant livelihoods were subjected to several constraints that were buttressed by the neoliberal development context which signified a great reliance on cattle raising as main financial activity at the expense of other important natural assets such as forest and water. Furthermore, demonstrating that permaculture projects had to provide the widest range of benefits with the least amount of risk in order to be adopted.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate the power relations in women’s farmers’ cooperatives in Nicaragua, and to see if the women feel that they have power over their decisions and if they feel that their power has changed after joining the cooperative. The theory used in this thesis is postcolonial feminism theories of women empowerment and frameworks on development efforts to women. The method used to gather data has been semi-structured one-on-one interviews. The investigated cooperatives are part of the umbrella organization Femuprocan. Femuprocan has received development funds from We Effect (formerly Swedish Cooperative Centre) and other aid agencies in order to form cooperatives and for capacity building. Previous studies show the importance of involving women in the decisions about how the development funds should be used.   The interviews showed that the women have been involved in the decisions within the cooperatives such as how the funds should be used. Most of the interviewed women perceived an increased sense of power after joining the cooperative, and can exemplify this. However, the change is slow. The women have identified that capacity building, meeting other women and gaining more money have been crucial in the empowerment process.

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Much attention has been paid to the increasingly important role of women as social and political actors in Latin America. Though recent scholarship has examined women's activism in primarily urban contexts, this paper focuses on the case of poor rural women in Nicaragua. Based on participant observation and interview data collected over five consecutive weeks, this paper traces the pathways by which women's activism emerged in a context where traditional gender roles still predominate. These women's forms of participation—often on the basis of their interests as mothers—constitute a "politics of immediate needs” that responds to concrete matters of survival while introducing new issues of direct concern to women into the public sphere. However, community participation has also generated additional burdens for women who now juggle productive, reproductive, and activist roles. By exploring the complexities of these dynamics, this paper provides an ethnographic account of the highly nuanced contestatory process by which women enter the public sphere, collectively organize, and begin to challenge various gendered aspects of their society. / text

Afro-descendant communities in Central America have recently made important legal strides by enshrining their right to equal treatment under the law and in some cases their ability to claim a distinct group status in national constitutions. The United Nations recently issued a draft resolution declaring that access to water and sanitation is a universal right, furthering the tools available to marginalized afro-descendant peoples in their battles against poverty and underdevelopment. Unfortunately, implementation of these measures has been slow in some areas and non-existent in others. Though there have been some advances, the situation for Afro-descendant communities remains largely unchanged and the availability of the basic requirements of life for Afro-descendant populations remains among the lowest in the region. Increased attention to the political, social, and especially the material situation of Afro-descendant communities is needed in political circles, as well as in the academic community. There is a lack of scholarly work on the material well-being of Afro-descendent populations in Central America. An important initial contribution in this area would be the compilation, and accumulation of statistical information as a primary step in developing the literature. The focus of this study then is on the Atlantic Coast Afro-descendant populations in Nicaragua. This document will outline the current material circumstances of Nicaraguan Afro-descendant communities using data gathered from a variety of sources, identify the causes of inadequate access to water and sanitation, and suggest strategies to improve the situation of these communities. It is my sincere hope that, at the very least, increased attention will be brought to the situation. / text

Over the course of the twentieth century, the quality, quantity and accessibility of health care services in Nicaragua were remarkably altered in accordance with the agendas of stakeholders in the national government and providers of "development aid", many of whose objectives were as much or more political as they were humanitarian. Much of the international health literature has focused on sociocultural factors that impact health care seeking, yet little research has been conducted on the political economic dimensions. This dissertation examines how sociocultural factors, political economy and social relations interacted in health care seeking decision-making among 50 poor and lower-middle-income households in Nicaragua, a country with high rates of poverty, child morbidity and child mortality. Attending to the ways that global and national policies were experienced in a local setting, the study provides an in-depth analysis of health care services in a country that has undergone three major regime changes within the last 25 years. How did the ideology of each regime influence health care, and how did the state influence both health staff and the lay population, especially with regards to people's expectations and understandings of the allocation of responsibility for health?The data indicate that health care services have significantly worsened during the recent years of neoliberal-oriented governance, concordant with an increase in economic insecurity. In conjunction with these macro-level processes, conditions of poverty have undermined people's ability to maintain longstanding reciprocal exchange relations and health care responsibilities. In ideology and praxis, the struggle between an ethos of solidarity and cooperation, versus one of individual competition and self-preservation, was engaged on a daily basis within and across extended households of kin, as well as between and among health care seekers and practitioners. Local level efforts to make up for the gap in government responsibility were limited precisely because the policies implemented by the government and international bodies undermined them. Neither the state nor civil society currently possesses the capacity to meet the basic health needs of the majority of Nicaraguans. For communities to thrive, the state must restore its safety net of health and other basic services.

The Press in Transition adopts a comparative approach to transitional print institutions worldwide. It is based on some 150 interviews and archival research on four continents, over a decade of unprecedented global transformation and upheaval. The dissertation seeks to fill a serious gap in the existing literature on democratization and political transition. Theoretical chapters advance a comparative model of press functioning (Chapter 1) and a more tentative model of transitional media, with a strong focus on the mainstream press (Chapter 6). The bulk of the work consists of four case-studies, each drawn from a different geographical region (indeed, continent) and a markedly different "type" of liberalization or transition process. The case of Nicaragua (Chapter 2) stands out somewhat. It concentrates almost exclusively on a single newspaper, Barricada, the former official organ of the Sandinista Front. The newspaper's transformations in the 1990s are, however, set against the backdrop of Barricades history since 1979, intra-Sandinista politics during and after the revolutionary era, and the more general interplay of media and politics in Nicaragua. The remaining three case-studies (South Africa, Jordan, and Russia: Chaps. 3-5) combine system-level analysis with micro-level portraits of transitional institutions and individuals. The core of the theoretical analysis lies in a delineation of "mobilizing" and "professional" imperatives. The former I attach mainly to sponsors and managers of media institutions; the latter mainly - not exclusively or universally — to the editorial side of the operation. The interplay of these variables I see as integral to an understanding of events at the case-study newspapers. The opening theoretical chapter situates mobilizing and professional imperatives as both dependent and independent variables. I argue that they reflect and respond to variables like underdevelopment, authoritarianism, and pre-existing media culture. But they also serve as founts of important and interesting initiatives, whether professional, political, or commercial. Significantly, too, they regularly conflict. The dissertation struggles to avoid heroicizing, but it also tries to show that tensions and upheavals — both small-scale and radically transformative - tend to derive from the clash of mobilizing and professional priorities.