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Cob is an earth based building technique that may be an alternative for the construction of new homes in developing countries. Earth based constructions techniques commonly used in the past, like adobe and wattle-and-daub, have increasingly been replaced by buildings using more processed materials commercially available such as bricks or concrete blocks. The cost of such commercial materials is often unreachable for a large part of the population in developing countries. Cob buildings could be an appropriate option in rural areas, where human labor is a less restricted resource compared to monetary capital, and most of the materials needed are locally available. The cob technique is based on a mixture of clay, sand, straw and water that enables the builder to combine different materials and to create a variety of shapes. A recently constructed cob building in Matagalpa, Nicaragua, was studied using screening LCA methodology applied to the construction phase, as well as by applying a diffusion of innovation framework (specifically the five perceived attributes of an innovation). Results regarding fossil CO2 emissions due to material production and material transportation were contrasted to an equivalent concrete block building. The highest contribution to CO2 emissions from the cob building was generated by paints and solvents, and bricks and tiles (cooked earth); whereas in the concrete building it was due to the concrete bricks and iron. According to this case study, cob building technique seems to have the potential to be an affordable option for rural housing in Nicaragua, and at the same time accountable for rather limited emissions of fossil CO2 emissions in its construction phase. At present, some obstacles to the use of cob technique are lack of examples for people to see and experience, and a general limited knowledge on how to work with cob technique. / Cob är en byggteknik med jord som främsta material som kan vara ett alternativ vid byggande av nya bostäder i utvecklingsländer. Några jordkonstruktionstekniker, som adobe och ”bajareque”, var vanligare förr, men har ersatts av byggande med förädlade material som tegel eller betongblock. Kostnaden för dessa material är oftast hög och blir oöverkomlig för en stor del av befolkningen. Cob hus skulle kunna vara ett alternativ på landsbygden, där arbetskraft är en mer tillgänglig resurs än kapital, och de flesta av de material som behövs finns lokalt. Cob tekniken är en blandning av lera, sand, halm och vatten som även kan kombineras med andra material för att skapa olika former. Byggnationsfasen för ett nyligen konstruerat cob hus i Matagalpa, Nicaragua, studerades med en screenande LCA. Valda delar av Rogers teori ”diffusion of innovation” användes (främst de fem attributen för innovationsspridning). Resultaten avseende CO2-utsläpp från produktion och transport av material jämfördes med ett hus i liknande storlek, byggt i betongblock. Det största bidraget till utsläpp av CO2 från cob huset genererades av färger och lösningsmedel, tegel och kakel (bränd jord), medan det i betongblockshuset berodde på betongblock och järn. Enligt denna fallstudie verkar cob byggteknik att ha potential att vara ett prisvärt alternativ för bostäder på landsbygden i Nicaragua, och resulterar i relativt små CO2-utsläpp under byggskedet. Några av de hinder för spridningen av cob tekniken som föreligger för närvarande är brist på exempel för människor att se och uppleva, samt dålig allmän kunskap om hur man arbetar med denna teknik. / Cob es una técnica de construcción en tierra que puede ser una alternativa para la construcción de nuevas viviendas en los países en vía de desarrollo. Algunas de las técnicas de construcciones en tierra como el adobe y el bahareque fueron comunes en el pasado, sin embargo han sido sustituidas por construcciones con materiales procesados como ladrillos o bloques de concreto. El costo de estos materiales suele ser alto volviéndose inasequibles para una gran parte de la población. Las construcciones en cob podrían ser una opción adecuada en las zonas rurales, donde la mano de obra es un recurso abundante a bajo costo, y la mayoría de los materiales necesarios están disponibles a nivel local. La técnica del cob se basa en una mezcla de arcilla, arena, paja y agua que puede ser combinada con otros materiales para crear una gran variedad de formas. La fase de construcción de una casa en cob en Matagalpa, Nicaragua; fue estudiada por medio de un LCA preliminar. Igualmente se utilizó el marco de difusión de la innovación propuesto por Rogers para evaluar los cinco atributos que hacen que esta técnica pueda o no ser difundida en Matagalpa. Los resultados en relación con las emisiones de CO2 por la producción de material y del transporte de material se contrastaron con una casa de dimensiones similares construida en bloque de concreto. La mayor contribución a las emisiones de CO2 de la casa de cob fue generada por las pinturas y solventes, y ladrillos y tejas (tierra cocida), mientras que en la casa de bloque de concreto las emisiones se debieron a los bloques de concreto y al hierro. De acuerdo con este caso de estudio, la técnica de construcción cob parece tener el potencial de ser una opción asequible para la vivienda rural en Nicaragua, generando emisiones de CO2 más bajas que las construcciones de bloque de concreto durante la fase de construcción. En la actualidad, algunos de los obstáculos para la difusión de la técnica del cob son la falta de ejemplos para que las personas puedan ver y experimentar, y un escaso conocimiento general sobre cómo trabajar con esta técnica.

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This dissertation interprets gender-differentiated vulnerability to drought within a rural community located in the dry zone, la zona seca, of Nicaragua, a region that has been identified by the government and NGO sector as suffering from prolonged and, since the 1970s, more frequent droughts.  A combination of gender, capitals, and vulnerability demonstrates the value in using a multidimensional perspective to look at the socioeconomic and cultural contexts that form the capacity individuals have had to reduce their long-term vulnerability to drought in Nicaragua.  Due to the place-based characteristics of gender as well as vulnerability the analysis is mainly based on people’s stories about the history of their lives.  Based on these stories a local level picture is created of the households’ situation over time, how their work strategies and management of resources have varied, and how they perceived changes in capacity and vulnerability in relation to continuity and change in the climate.  The issue of adaptive capacity, which currently is less covered in research on gender and vulnerability and recognized in the literature as in need of more attention, and how it distinguishes itself from coping capacity in relation to vulnerability, is placed at the center of analysis.  In an additional analysis of how Nicaragua’s hazard management policies look upon the role and importance of interaction among societal levels and actors in reducing hazard vulnerability I show how the discourse has moved from emergency response to risk management with an increased emphasis on capacity building.  However, the recognition to differentiated vulnerability is lacking which risks hampering a successful vulnerability reduction. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Accepted. Paper 3: Manuscript.</p>

This dissertation explores the health care system built by the Sandinista government in Nicaragua between the years 1979-1990. Prior to the 1979 victory of the Sandinista revolution, Nicaragua had a limited, balkanized health care system that afforded access to care to only a small percentage of the Nicaraguan population. The Sandinistas sought to build a nationwide health care system that provided free and equal access to health care. This project is a study of how the Sandinistas did that, and an analysis of what success they had. This project relies upon new sources as well as established archival ones. Former Minister of Health Dora María Tellez (1985-1990) recently donated her personal collection of Actas Ministeriales (Ministerial Executive Orders) to the Universidad de Centroamérica's Instituto de Historia de Nicaragua y Centroamérica (IHNCA), a cache that substantially increases the documentary record of the latter half of the 1980s, and thus expands our understanding of the issues at hand and the solutions the Ministry implemented. Also, this dissertation relies heavily upon oral history. Seventy-five interviews with Ministry leaders, health workers, and Nicaraguan citizens create a more personal history of health in Sandinista Nicaragua, and explain how this nationwide effort actually functioned in communities, both urban and rural. The five chapters of this dissertation explore these central questions through multiple lenses. The first chapter provides both a history of foreign intervention and of history of health care in Nicaragua. The second and third chapters explore the historical trajectory of the Ministry of Health during the eleven years of Sandinista rule, first at a national level, and then with a focus on the northern zones of Nicaragua. In the final two chapters the dissertation explores the international angle of this history. The fourth chapter looks at the important role Cuban foreign aid played in helping the Sandinista government build, supply, and maintain their health care system. The fifth and final chapter interrogates the presence of long-term volunteer health care workers from the United States in light of the fact that the U.S. was leading efforts to overthrow the Sandinista government throughout the 1980s. / text

Abstract In 2001 a development program named FondeAgro was implemented in the northern region of Nicaragua with the aim to reduce poverty by rural development. During a ten-year period peasants in the departments of Jinotega and Matagalpa received expert assistance on farming in order to improve their livelihoods and create sustainable businesses as small- and medium- scale peasants. This study aims to present the reality of coffee producing farmers who participated in FondeAgro, ending in 2011. Research is made on if and how farmers continue with methods learned during the program and its effects on production- and livelihood development. Existing reports present the implementation of the program and farmers’ abilities to adapt and work with new methods, though this stretches only until the end of the program, 2011. Accordingly, there is no information on how farmers’ lives appear after the program’s end, why this research is carried through. A field study was conducted in the municipality El Cúa, department of Jinotega in northern Nicaragua in 2012. In order to visualize the complex pattern of poverty, access to or lack of capital assets the sustainable livelihoods framework is used for analysis. To further elucidate the effects of the development program and attainment of goals, a manual on development interventions by Sida is used as well. The conclusion of this research on the development program FondeAgro is that the effects of the program are positive and negative, differing mainly depending on farmers being small- or medium-scale producers. Many farmers have improved their livelihoods through their participation in FondeAgro but for some farmers there is no change to previous life situation. What seems to be decisive in order to continue with methods learned is what type of assistance that has been given to each farmer during the program years as well as possibilities to participate in cooperatives. The methods used to achieve the objectives of the program have not given the results hoped for and many farmers are still facing a future in severe poverty Keywords: Nicaragua, FondeAgro, agriculture, farmers, livelihoods, intervention

Magíster en Gestión y Dirección de Empresas / El presente trabajo evalúa la factibilidad técnica y económica de una empresa productora y comercializadora de miel en Nicaragua. La oportunidad de negocios se basa en la creciente demanda registrada a nivel mundial en los últimos años, asociada a la preferencia de los consumidores por productos naturales. Nicaragua presenta una situación favorable para desarrollar este proyecto, con positivos niveles de crecimiento económico (2014: 4,7%) y de empleo, estabilidad de precios y consolidación de las finanzas públicas, en un ambiente de estabilidad política. Además ha establecido diversos incentivos económicos para la inversión. Las condiciones para el desarrollo de la apicultura son propicias. La Comisión Nacional Apícola de Nicaragua estima que existen alrededor de 980 apicultores activos y poco más de 30.000 colmenas, con un rendimiento promedio de 30 kg por colmena, totalizando una producción agregada anual de 850 t (cifras de 2010). Estudios hechos en la década de los setenta estiman que Nicaragua tiene capacidad para albergar unas 300 mil colmenas. Las tecnologías que se manejan en el proceso productivo son en general sencillas. El 80% de la producción se destina a la exportación, principalmente a Europa y Estados Unidos, con ventas anuales de cerca de 680 toneladas métricas. Dado el reducido consumo interno, asociado al desconocimiento de las propiedades de la miel, se considera que la empresa venderá el 80% de su producción a granel a acopiadores, quienes la procesan y venden bajo su propia marca o la exportan. El 20% restante lo comercializará en forma directa a supermercados, tiendas de conveniencia y farmacias con la marca Mamá Dulce, en envases de 350 y 500 ml. Dado el mejor precio que ofrece este último canal (US$ 0,9 vs. US$ 5,3 por kg), los esfuerzos de marketing se enfocarán a fomentar el consumo interno y al desarrollo de la marca. A partir de una encuesta se determinó como consumidor final objetivo a personas entre 26 y 50 años que valoran y ya consumen regularmente miel. Ésta contará con certificación orgánica, lo que favorecerá la negociación con el canal acopiador / exportador. El proyecto se iniciará con 300 colmenas ubicadas en un terreno propio de 28 ha en la zona oriente del país, para las que con un buen manejo técnico se espera un rendimiento promedio anual de 40 kg. Para el quinto año se considera contar con 3.000 colmenas, una producción anual de 120.000 kg e ingresos de U$ 300 mil. En la operación se prestará especial atención al cuidado de las abejas y al procesamiento de la miel con altos estándares de calidad. La inversión inicial requerida es de US$ 88.000, la que se considera financiar con capital de socios (65%) y un préstamo (35%). La evaluación económica, con una tasa de descuento de 11% y un horizonte de 5 años, arroja un VAN positivo de US$ 230,200 y una TIR de 9,8%, con una recuperación de la inversión en 3 años. El análisis de sensibilidad indica que la rentabilidad se mantiene positiva con una reducción de la producción de hasta el 10%.

Background There is an increasing rate of cesarean section globally. Both low and high cesarean section rates are associated with maternal and neonatal mortality and morbidities. In Nicaragua, the rate of cesarean section is beyond the WHO recommendation of 10% to 15%. Aim The aim of this study was to evaluate the costs-effectiveness of elective caesarean section when compared with vaginal delivery in hospital in Nicaragua, a lower-middle income setting. Methods A 3 months prospective cohort study was conducted in a hospital in León, Nicaragua, from 1st May 2010 to 31st July 2010. Two questionnaires were used to obtain data, one on costs and maternal complications after delivery, and the other on postpartum complications. A descriptive analysis regarding maternal and neonatal outcomes, and a cost-effectiveness analysis were conducted comparing elective cesarean section with vaginal delivery, followed by a sensitivity analysis regarding change on rates of elective cesarean section. Results The cesarean section rate was 37.9%, and the elective cesarean section rate was 21%. The percentage of live births was 99.6% in elective cesarean section group and 98.9% in vaginal delivery group. Cesarean section had both positive and negative influences on maternal complications and postpartum complications. The costs of elective cesarean section was higher than vaginal delivery ($66 compared to $39.36). For one more live birth, 3805.71 US dollars were needed. Conclusion The maternal outcomes of cesarean section need to be improved. With the increasing cesarean section rates, more medical resources are needed in the future.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.