In 1524 under the leadership of the Reformer Huldreich Zwingli the citizens of Zurich undertook to cleanse their churches of idolatrous objects. This was carried out after scholarly debate and with the approval of the authorities. In conjunction with the decision to remove the images, Zwingli prepared arguments to explain and justify the community's action. These arguments became influential among other Evangelical Reformed Protestants and thus Zurich's solution to the problem of religious art is essential for an understanding of the development of the visual arts in Protestant areas in the sixteenth century. Two questions are significant to this development. What sources of patronage would the new art have, and what would be appropriate subject matter? In Zurich three groups would replace the Church as patron: the state, private industry, and the individual citizen. Because Zwingli's theology demanded a reorientation in subject matter, requiring material that is narrative or historical (geschichteswyss) new subjects and genres had to be found. Thus for a time the portrait threatened to replace the altar retable and illustration of religious and scientific works became central to Zurich's artistic life. Small decorative stained glass panels, Kabinettscheiben, became vehicles for both propaganda and display of position and material wealth. The art of sixteenth century Zurich departed from medieval artistic usage while seeking to avoid aspects of Renaissance Humanism repugnant to Reformed theology. It pointed new directions in the translation of empirically observed reality as an aspect of the Reformer's conviction that the study of nature reveals the operation of Divine Providence in creation. Thus while Evangelical Reformed teaching denied much of ancient and medieval art, it allowed and nurtured the objective portrayal of the visible world.

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Although the English anthem was the primary form of sacred composition in England during the Renaissance and early Baroque, it was not considered too sacred to be used as royalist propaganda. Text sources for the anthem came primarily from the Psalms, the Book of Common Prayer, and Scripture. Because many of the anthem composers were Gentlemen of the Chapel Royal, which was supported by the monarchy, the anthems sometimes reflected royalist views. Henry Purcell began writing anthems during the public hysteria generated by the Popish Plot, war with the Dutch, and fear of the French and the papacy. Although direct connections between specific events and specific anthems are speculative, there can be little doubt that the upheavals faced by the English monarchy influenced Purcell's compositions. Fourteen of Purcell's anthems written between 1678 and 1685 are discussed according to their political implications. Musical analysis of four representative anthems is provided.

The pertinent literature concerning explanatory variables affecting the selection and election of women in western democratic legislatures is reviewed. A cross-national study of eleven western democracies, from 1960 through 1990, finds significant influence of party executive quotas on the number of women nominated and elected in the countries studied, although there is no predictable time lag evident. An empirical study was conducted on the effects of country, ideology, and yeargroup on: (1) the proportion of women on party executive committees, (2) the proportion of women nominated, and (3) the proportion of women elected to the national legislatures. Results indicated a statistically significant difference for each factor. The study shows there is little substantive difference between parties of the left and parties of the non-left in terms of effect on the number of women on party executive committees, nominated, or elected to national legislatures.

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The thirty years from 1848 to 1878 witnessed several events which significantly affected the history of the Habsburg empire. This period saw the Habsburgs deprived of their hegemony in Germany and dispossessed of their Italian provinces. The demonstrable weakness of the Austrian state resulted in a major change in its form of government in 1867, with the result that the Hungarian half of the realm achieved a large voice in determining the country's foreign policy. One result of the Magyars' enhanced influence on foreign policy was the appointment of Count Gyula Andrassy as foreign minister in late 1871. Andrassy brought to office a distinctly Magyar point of view about the Dual Monarchy's proper foreign policy: he was anti-Russian and pro-Turkish, favored the maintenance of the status quo in the Balkans, and was resolved to protect the Dual Monarchy's prestige as a Great Power in order to maintain the Magyars' privileged position within Austria-Hungary. He regarded Russia as the greatest danger to his countrymen's favorable status. Initially Andrassy sought to combat the Russian menace by forming an alliance with Germany or Great Britain against Russia; however, when he was unable to do that, he chose to cooperate with Russia in an effort to moderate any ambitious schemes which St. Petersburg might envision. Andrassy's tactics succeeded admirably until the Balkan crisis of 1875-1878 when the Russians' sympathies for their fellow Slavs put increasing pressure on St. Petersburg to take action in the Balkans. Andrassy was able to retain the initiative in Balkan diplomacy until late 1876. Then, when it became apparent that Russia was on the verge of war against Turkey and that Austria-Hungary would not resort to military actions to prevent that conflict. He negotiated the Budapest Conventions, which safeguarded Austria-Hungary's Balkan interests by limiting Russia's gains in southeastern Europe and by ensuring that the Dual Monarchy acquired Bosnia-Hercegovina. However, at the end of the Russo-Turkish War, St. Petersburg did not honor its pledges to Vienna. The Treaty of San Stefano, imposed by Russia on Turkey, posed a real threat to Austria-Hungary's continued existence as a Great Power since it deprived the Dual Monarchy of Bosnia-Hercegovina and established a large Bulgarian state which would have dominated the Balkans. Andrassy recognized the danger which the Treaty of San Stefano posed to the Dual Monarchy and strove to negate that treaty. Ultimately it was set aside by the Congress of Berlin, and the territorial changes resulting from the Russo-Turkish War were adjusted in a manner favorable to Austria-Hungary. While the Dual Monarchy did make gains as a result of the Congress of Berlin, those advantages cannot be attributed primarily to Andrassy's policy. They were due far more to the facts that British and Austro-Hungarian Balkan interests largely coincided and that Russia retreated before the threat of British military action than to anything done by Andrassy who, because of his country's weakness and irresolution, saw himself forced to play a passive and impotent role by the end of the Balkan crisis.

For four centuries (c. 900-500 B. C.) an aristocratic warrior culture and its concomitant ideals and educational processes reigned supreme in Greece. As the aristocracy declined, so, too, did the ideals. Gradually a new intellectual culture replaced the old warrior culture, and ideals then became ideals of the mind, not of the body. The particular form which this new intellectual culture assumed was to be found in rhetorical education. Our approach to, and understanding of, ancient Greek rhetoric have been fashioned by the philological pursuits of the classicists of the nineteenth century. In the main, the interest has been with the mechanics of oratory--stylistics. If any opinions are even ventured concerning the substance of rhetoric, almost without exception they are opinions derived from information provided by Plato, who was, of course, hostile to the rhetorical profession. A gradual reassessment is taking place in which sophism re-assumes its proper position in Greek politics. But its position in the Greek intellectual tradition is still regarded with evident embarrassment. This attitude is fostered by the failure to realize that the roots of rhetoric are just as fundamentally scientific as they are political. Our task, then, is to re-integrate rhetoric back into its proper position in the Greek intellectual tradition. Once we comprehend this facet of oratory, we are then in a better position to understand Plato's criticisms and Isocrates' final articulation of the Greek rhetorical ideal.

Anglo-American cooperation in naval intelligence during the Second World War was closer and more productive than any similar relationship between other sovereign nations in recent history. Although thought of as a product of the "special relationship" between the United States and the United Kingdom, intelligence cooperation was based less on cultural affinities and more on practical considerations of individual advantage to the nations involved. Cooperation grew from British initiative, based on the need to involve the United States as deeply as possible in the battle against Germany. It was at its most productive in the successful battle against German U-boats in the Atlantic. As confidence in eventual Allied victory supplanted mutual concern for survival, cooperation gradually weakened, and post-war national interests began to overshadow wartime exigencies; and naval intelligence cooperation waned.

This essay will examine the recruitment of single British women by leading Protestant missionary societies during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to assess what motivated women to apply and what qualifications and training were required before they were deployed to the mission field. Single female candidates accepted into missionary service negotiated boundaries between gender and class and worked to redefine their position within religious missions, gradually becoming more professionalized as the years progressed. This thesis places particular emphasis on the study of British female medical missionaries. Throughout, it examines key themes regarding gender and professionalism and the interaction between gender and race on the mission field. Using South Africa as a case study to examine the interaction between female medical missionaries and their African trainees, in the final section the paper analyzes how white female medical missionaries defined themselves as professional women in the field. / Cet essai examine le recrutement par les principales sociétés protestantes de missionnaires de femmes britanniques célibataires au cours de la fin du dix-neuvième siècle et du début du vingtième. Il cherche à comprendre ce qui motiva les femmes à postuler, ainsi qu'à découvrir la formation et les qualifications exigées d'elles avant qu'elles ne soient envoyées en mission. Les candidates célibataires qui furent acceptées comme missionnaires eurent à affronter les barrières de classe et de genre, et travaillèrent à redéfinir leurs positions au sein des missions religieuses, se professionnalisant graduellement au fil des ans. Cette thèse porte un accent particulier sur l'étude des femmes missionnaires britanniques oeuvrant dans le champ médical. Elle accorde une place prépondérante à l'étude de thèmes touchant au genre et au professionnalisme, ainsi qu'à l'interaction entre genre et race sur le terrain des missions. Dans sa dernière section, le texte analyse par le biais d'une étude de cas de l'Afrique du Sud la manière par laquelle les femmes missionnaires ainsi que leurs apprentis africains se définirent en tant que femmes professionnelles sur le terrain des missions.