The purpose of this thesis is to explore and analyze the threat posed by certain social movements during the post-Mao reform era and the various methods of social control used by the Chinese government to deal with them. The thesis will use historical data and three case studies to examine the influence and popularity of social movements and methods of control, from surveillance to physical intimidation to imprisonment and forced exile. The thesis will also explore the evolution of social control over the decades of social change in China. What characteristics of a social movement threaten the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)? Does the CCP have a preferred method of social control, and has that method withstood the test of time? Does the increasing number of protests signify that China is losing control over its population? What does the future hold?

No description available.

Can individuals support for radical right parties in European countries be explained as a consequence of globalization? This quantitative study proceeds from the cleavage theory and examines the theory of winners and losers of globalization by studying the importance of three mechanisms on a micro level. It compares the importance of the economic, cultural and political mechanisms effect on individual support for radical right parties in countries within the European Union.  The study finds evidence that supports the theory of winners and losers of globalization and evidence that indicates that the cultural mechanism is the most important of the three to explain individual support for radically right parties.

Anglo-Catholicism was the major occasion of strife within the Church of England, 1880-1914. Between 1898 and 1904 Protestant agitators made their last serious attempt to invent laws to put down ritualism. This thesis describes that church crisis, as London Anglo- Catholics experienced it. Particular attention is paid to the ways in which the authorities tried to establish control over ritualists, and to the different reactions to the crisis within the Catholic party. Anglo-Catholic ecclesiology was not so much a dogmatic package as a theological method - the application of an organic church principle to all doctrine and practice. Anglo-Catholics used a distinctive hermeneutic, taken over from Pusey and Bishop Forbes, to neutralize offensive aspects of the thirty-nine articles and Prayer Book. Pressure from their bishops before and during the crisis stimulated distinctive doctrines of episcopacy and magisterium among them. Against all opposition, they continued to postulate a special affinity between the churches of England and Rome, secured by a particlar concept of holiness. Radical Anglo-Catholics who came to the fore in the church crisis turned the concept that the Church of England was but two provinces of the Catholic church from a passive assumption into the basis of a radical critique of other Anglican doctrine and practice. They responded to being under pressure in two kinds of way. Some sought security in formally reactionary postures which they hoped would make their position impregnable. Others saw the crisis as an opportunity for all involved to re-think their perceptions of their own positions and of the nature of authority. Although Anglo-Catholics did not always face up to the ecclesiological implications of their behaviour, they did manage to defend and define their approach between 1880 and 1914 well enough for it to make a major impact upon the twentieth century Church of England.

A tariff policy is two-sided and may be compared to a wall. Every export from a country is some other country's import, and every tariff imposition, while apparently a domestic law to bring in a revenue or build up home industries, is, at the same time the means of keeping out some other country's exports. Too often, we look upon only one side of the wall--our own side. We are likely to regard the tariff as a means of controlling the inflow of foreign goods or as a means of raising revenue. But to understand the tariff policy and employ it to its fullest advantage or disadvantage we must be willing and capable of looking over the wall to understand the effect of a tariff--or any other commercial policy--on the aims and aspirations of other nations.

ANOTATION The thesis focused on František Soukup (1871-1940) and political party Czechoslavic Social Democratic Party, because he was the member of this party since 1896. Text describes his life before World War I. The work combines biography of František Soukup and development of the workers and social democratic movement in the context of political modernization - first at the example of party's newspaper, in which Soukup works. In the centre, there is a main theme of the party before World War I - the universal suffrage. Conclusion presents Soukup's activities after the legalization of this requirement, i.e. his work and speeches in House of Deputies, which are placed in contrast with his activities in the Socialist International. The aim of the thesis is write the biography of an important representative of the party and on this basis - analyze political discourse of social democracy at the end of the century. KEY WORDS: political parties, social democracy, František Soukup

These days are western democracies in serious crisis. We could observe this crisis in disconnection societal topics, not only, but especially political, from the citizens, who are affected with these topics the most. The citizens are becoming apathetic; they have no interest file their energy beyond their own private and professional life. This situation could develop in two directions. The first way means conservation of current state, status quo, and it leads to not so happy future. Or another way change of course happens and the interest in public life will be activating in the citizens. And I believe in the second possibility. However, there is lot to do, to revise many aspects of public life, e.g. political parties, funding to these parties, institute of representation and how community perceive it, or elections, the way legitimation.

The subject matter of this paper is an analysis of the current system of political parties funding in the Czech Republic. The aim of the thesis is to critically assess the current legal regulation and to point out potential shortcomings and possibilities for improvement. At a time when public confidence in political parties is characterized by a systematic and long-term downward trend, it is a recent and widely discussed topic. We may well ask whether the legal regulation of this issue does not provide room for improvement and innovation. The extensive topic is structured into two areas - the question of financial resources and the question of control and transparency. The paper is composed of five chapters. Chapter one deals with the political parties in general and with the law of political parties, especially with constitutional aspects. The second chapter examines the financing of political parties, its basic principles, models and division. In brief, it covers also the development of funding. The subject of the third chapter is a detailed description of the funding of political parties in the Czech Republic. In the fourth chapter the thesis deals with control, transparency and enforcement, at both the general and the specific level, when Czech regulation is subject to scrutiny. Chapter Five is...

The topic of this thesis is political marketing with a focus on marketing communication of Czech political parties. Its title is "Image of political parties in the Czech republic" and describes use of political marketing and its methods or instruments in Czech political environment. At first the thesis describes methods of political marketing especially marketing communication and how five chosen Czech political parties (ODS, ČSSD, KSČM, TOP 09, VV) use them. What is useful, where are mistakes etc. The thesis is focused on image of chosen parties. The aim is to find out, if the identity (planned image) of political parties corresponds with perceived image by young people (18-30 years, university educated). Due to this aim a focus group and a quantitative research were conducted. Their results were compared with planned image detected in interviews with marketing managers of particular parties (except VV). Moreover the thesis contains recommendations for parties for improving their communication to achieve their planned image.

This dissertation examines the dynamic intersections of the relationship between migration and the far-right through three empirical, stand-alone chapters. The first substantive chapter re-evaluates existing theories of far-right support using a novel theory and comprehensive dataset to assess how immigration opinion and immigration levels interact to shape individual far-right support. The findings suggest that increases in asylum-based migration are associated with increased far-right voting, but that this is effect is mainly observed in those with negative or neutral opinions toward immigration. The second substantive chapter examines the other side of this relationship by analyzing the impact of far-right electoral and legislative success on asylum-recognition rates in EU member states. The results of empirical analyses show that when far-right parties gain legislative seats, the expected rate of asylum approvals decreases. This suggests that far-right parties in legislatures have measurable effects on migration outcomes. Finally, the third substantive chapter uses original field research to assess how far-right politics impacts the lived experiences of immigrants in France and Switzerland, relying on a small survey and interviews conducted in the field. The results show that immigrants are generally aware of far-right parties and distrustful toward them. However, undocumented migrants and asylees are among the most negatively impacted by far-right activity. Overall, this dissertation moves beyond the entrenched debate of how migration does or does not facilitate far-right support and contributes to the academic understanding of how migration and far-right politics interact.