Účelem diplomové práce je analyzovat a zkoumat změny na slovenské politické scéně v období od parlamentních voleb 2010 až po parlamentní volby 2016. Práce čerpá jednak ze Sartoriho teorie stranických systémů, tak z materiálů Institutu pro veřejné otázky, které rozebírají ve svých publikacích předmětné období. Na základě zkoumaných pohybů, diplomová práce věnuje svou pozornost jednotlivým vládám, jakož i charakteristice a voličské podpoře relevantním stranám. Během sledovaného období došlo jednak k prohloubení fenoménu tzv. oligarchické demokracie, tak na druhé straně k výraznému přeskupování voličské podpory na středo-pravém politickém spektru od hodnotově zavedených politických stran k novým, těžko definovatelným subjektům, ale i k rostoucí podpoře antisystémové strany s fašistickou minulostí. Klíčová slova volby, politické strany, oligarchická demokracie, populismus, středo-pravé strany, antisystémové strany

The purpose of this master thesis is to analyze movements and changes on the Slovak political scene, Slovak party system as well as increase of support for antisystem and populist parties. The master thesis devotes its attention to individual governments, their characteristics and electoral support to relevant parties. The work is intended to answer the question whether the party system has changed over the period under review and in what way, and if the antisystemic parties and the phenomenon of populism have grown in the last six years. The theoretical concepts of Giovanni Sartori's party systems, the antisystemic parties from Sartori and Giovanni Capoccia and populism from Franciso Panizza, Cas Mudde, Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser and Chantal Mouffe are used to examine the dynamics of the Slovak political scene in order to answer the above questions. Keywords elections, political parties, party system, moderate pluralism, polarized pluralism, antisystem parties, protest parties, populism

The purpose of this master thesis is to analyze movements and changes on the Slovak political scene, Slovak party system as well as increase of support for antisystem and populist parties. The master thesis devotes its attention to individual governments, their characteristics and electoral support to relevant parties. The work is intended to answer the question whether the party system has changed over the period under review and in what way, and if the antisystemic parties and the phenomenon of populism have grown in the last six years. The theoretical concepts of Giovanni Sartori's party systems, the antisystemic parties from Sartori and Giovanni Capoccia and populism from Franciso Panizza, Cas Mudde, Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser and Chantal Mouffe are used to examine the dynamics of the Slovak political scene in order to answer the above questions. Keywords elections, political parties, party system, moderate pluralism, polarized pluralism, antisystem parties, protest parties, populism

Cette recherche aborde les défis de gouvernance en Guinée, un pays de l'Afrique subsaharienne bénéficiant de l'aide internationale pour réformer son système éducatif. Lors de cette réforme, l'approche préconisée par les grandes institutions économiques mondiales donnera l'occasion aux différents acteurs (traditionnels et non traditionnels) de jouer de nouveaux rôles en éducation. Cette orientation ayant remis en cause les relations de pouvoir établies dans ce secteur où l'État guinéen jouait un rôle de premier plan jusqu'au tournant des années 1990, quelle est aujourd'hui la nature des défis et des enjeux? Une approche qualitative a permis d'explorer cette question et de documenter les expériences vécues par les nombreux acteurs impliqués, selon leurs rôles et leurs niveaux d'intervention. L'exploitation de ces données fait ressortir que : • la réforme de l'éducation de la Guinée a été fortement influencée par les forums internationaux (Jomtien, 1990; Dakar, 2000) et par les bailleurs de fonds par le biais de leurs conditionnantes; • l'approche privilégiée pour la mise en oeuvre de la réforme a été souvent de sous-traiter l'exécution des projets avec des acteurs relais membres de la société civile (des ONG originaires des pays bailleurs de fonds) et des médiateurs locaux; • la présence d'une diversité d'intervenants a posé la problématique du leadership entre les nombreux acteurs dans l'identification des priorités et des stratégies; • l'État a opté pour un accommodement pragmatique pour bénéficier des différents financements. Comme conséquence, rarement dans le secteur de l'éducation des priorités autres que celles soutenues par les bailleurs de fonds ont été réalisées. L'essentiel des investissements sera consacré à l'enseignement élémentaire, dont la croissance rapide se répercute négativement sur les autres ordres d'enseignement. Les indicateurs d'accès ont fortement augmenté à tous les niveaux d'enseignement, mais la qualité reste un problème préoccupant. La réforme fut l'occasion d'expérimenter de nouveaux modes de collaboration et de régulation dans la gouvernance éducative du pays. La discontinuité du pilotage par l'État favorisera la concurrence entre acteurs traditionnels et acteurs relais pour des zones d'intervention éducative. Cette implication de plusieurs intervenants aura pour effets la promotion de stratégies divergentes et la recherche constante de mécanismes de régulation. Des stratégies de régulation changeantes couplées à un État fragile, d'une part, et le conflit d'intérêts entre de nombreux acteurs, d'autre part, ont été des facteurs qui ont permis d'améliorer qualitativement très peu la gouvernance du secteur. L'absence d'une vision systémique dans la formulation des projets sectoriels pendant longtemps, malgré l'avènement du programme sectoriel de l'éducation en 2008, explique les défis et les enjeux actuels auxquels le système fait face, car la transformation de l'éducation exige une vision stratégique et systémique, mais également un travail de développement continu. Si la pertinence du rôle de l'autorité publique en matière d'éducation est ressortie, cette recherche pose le problème de la mise en oeuvre de l'aide publique au développement du secteur de l'éducation des États fragiles en particulier. En Guinée, l'étude démontre que ce secteur exige une nouvelle approche obligeant l'État à jouer un nouveau rôle de régulation. L'enjeu est comment promouvoir une éducation de qualité à l'abri des conflits entre les organisations pourvoyeuses de ressources. Désormais, quels rôles respectifs reviennent aux acteurs traditionnels et aux autres parties prenantes de plus en plus nombreuses clans la réforme de l'éducation?

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<p>This research study seeks to investigate how institutional arrangements impact on intra-party democracy in Malawi. Intra-party democracy is essential as it promotes party unity through reduced fragmentation and factionalism, encourages a culture of democratic debate and deliberation of critical issues within the party and therefore collective ownership of decisions. Further, it creates legitimate internal conflict management systems and finally, reduces opportunistic and arbitrary use of delegated authority. These are fundamental tenets of any functioning democratic entity. These elements of intra-party democracy are attainable if they are formerly stipulated and governed by the party&rsquo / s constitutional rules. Where such rules either do not exist or are not effectively enforced, major operational problems arise. These may include: non-inclusive candidate selection procedures, centralised coalition negotiation processes, unprocedural conflict management mechanisms and unconstitutional or illegitimate party conventions. Consequently, the resulting outcomes include party instability and factionalism stimulated by resignations and expulsions, declining electoral support and weak coalitions. These factors undermine the party&rsquo / s contribution to democracy. The next section gives the context and historical evolution of parties in Malawi.</p>

In this thesis, I outline the normative relevance of religious political parties as carriers of values in the context of contemporary political theory. The central argument of my thesis is that religious political parties are, in ideal terms, vital institutional tools for channelling religious claims into the public political realm of liberal democratic polities, in a way that favours democracy. The reason for my claim is that there is a set of normative criteria that all political parties ought to comply with. These include loyal opposition (i.e. the endorsement of the constitutional and institutional framework in which parties operate), acknowledgement and respect of political pluralism and commitment to pursuing power only through legal means. These normative criteria are grounded in the idea that political parties are “bilingual”, i.e. they occupy a unique position between civil society and public political realm. By complying with these criteria political parties can contribute in channelling and moderating religious and other perfectionist claims in a way that renders them suitable for democratic politics. Furthermore I argue that religious political parties are best incorporated, in ideal terms, by a regime of nonconstitutional pluralism, where no religious faith is officially recognized in the constitution but the political guarantees exist for the expression of religious views in the public political realm through religious political parties. Finally, I examine two specific religious parties, the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi - AKP) in Turkey and the former Christian Democratic Party (Democrazia Cristiana - DC) in Italy, in order to assess to which extent they have complied with the normative criteria of party politics and, therefore, contributed in enhancing democracy in their respective polities.

Peruvian civilian and military authorities were trapped on a dead-end road in the counterinsurgency struggle against the terrorist movement Shining Path until the capture of the organization's top leader on September 12, 1992. The episode led to the eventual demise of the terrorist organization. This thesis argues that the successful operation was a consequence of the particular organization and working processes of the intelligence unit assigned to this sensitive case, and describes the extent to which the capture contributed to the defeat of the insurgency. Given the characteristics of the Shining Path terrorist organization, it was necessary to design a Special Intelligence Group with specific characteristics that made the group strong enough to overcome the obstacles of the reality it faced in Peru. Several other units with the same mission were unsuccessful in the twelve years of open struggle against the Shining Path. During its 22 years of activity, the Shining Path had built a solidly impenetrable organization, which allowed the police and military to hit the organizations' military apparatus, but not the political one. In Maoist organizations like the Shining Path, the political apparatus controls the organization. A study of the tactics, techniques and procedures developed by the Special Intelligence Group and the exchange between the intelligence and the operations components, as well as the decision making process within the group itself, demonstrates the organizational necessity of secrecy, isolation, motivation and delegation of authority for this type of mission.

Since the beginning of the Cold War, the influence of public opinion on presidential decision-making has been debated. Because the United States is a democracy, one would expect that public opinion and the ideas and concerns of the people should weigh on the decisions of the policy makers. In theory, at least, presidential decision-makers should not solely determine policy. Yet most presidential administrations would have the public believe that they are leading, not following, public opinion based on their inherent charge as elected officials to advocate what they perceive to be in the best interest of the country. It is important to understand the relationship between public opinion and executive decision-makers. Comparing U.S. policies implemented in response to terrorist attacks against U.S. sovereignty and Iraq's persistent pursuit of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) by presidents from two different political parties offers an opportunity to analyze how public opinion is viewed by presidents, what actions the administrations took to influence public opinion, and whether public opinion ultimately affected the foreign policy decision-making of the executive. How and when public opinion constrains policymakers and their options is essential to understanding why certain policy decisions for the use of force are made and what decisions can be predicted in the future.

What are the origins of tactical innovation in large, bureaucratic, military systems? This study will provide a detailed analysis of how the German Army in World War One took advantage of innovative tactical methods developed by their junior and non-commissioned officers in the field. While many historians often look at the results of WWI from the perspective of the General officers and politicians (i.e., top-down), they often overlook the important roles played by creative junior officers in revolutionizing the manner in which the German Army fought. These innovations, when supported by senior leadership, led to massive operational and strategic gains for the German Army late in World War One. I will explore how the German Army successfully applied these tactical innovations at the Twelfth Battle of the Isonzo, a.k.a. The Battle of Caporetto in 1917. The result was a crushing Italian defeat. This success encouraged the German leadership to attempt similar offensives in 1918 on the Western Front in France. Initially successful, the offensives later stalled. However, the lessons of these attacks formed the basis for what would become universally known as the Blitzkrieg, or â lighting-warâ tactics. These lessons continue to effect how modern militaries employ combined arms in maneuver warfare today. This case study will highlight the importance of â bottom-upâ tactical innovation within todayâ s U.S. military.