Les transactions entre parties liées sont apparues sur le devant de la scène à la suite des nombreux scandales comptables : Enron, Adelphia et Tyco aux États-Unis, Parmalat en Italie, HIH en Australie. En Asie, il y a eu de nombreux exemples de pillage d'entreprises par les dirigeants ou les actionnaires à travers l'utilisation des transactions entre parties liées pendant la crise des marchés de 1997-1998. Dans les marchés émergents et développés, les transactions entre parties liées sont utilisées comme un outil de transfert des actifs et des résultats des entreprises au bénéfice de ceux qui les contrôlent.Le Congrès américain dans la Loi Sarbanes-Oxley de 2002 a cherché à contrôler ces transactions entre parties liées. Mais, dans de nombreux pays, les transactions entre parties liées sont une pratique courante permettant des transferts de résultats et d'actifs entre entreprises. La théorie de l'agence considère généralement que les transactions entre parties liées sont faites au détriment des actionnaires. La littérature académique a tenté de mesurer l'expropriation indirecte liée aux transactions entre parties liées (voir par exemple, Bertrand, Metha, & Mullainathan, 2002; La Porta et al, 2000a, 2002; Faccio, Lang, & Young, 2001).La réglementation thaïlandaise impose, depuis la crise financière asiatique de 1997, des exigences de publication sur le montant et la nature des transactions entre parties liées. Cette thèse aborde les questions du lien entre les mécanismes de gouvernance et le recours aux transactions entre parties liées.Les résultats économétriques indiquent que : la détention de capital par les dirigeants ou par les administrateurs et la renommée du cabinet d'audit ont un impact négatif sur le volume des transactions entre parties liées. Par ailleurs, la séparation des fonctions de direction et de présidence du conseil d'administration a un impact positif sur le volume des transactions entre parties liées. De même, le pourcentage d'administrateurs indépendants et le recours à l'endettement financier ont un impact positif sur le volume des transactions entre parties liées.La thèse explore également la relation entre la performance financière et le recours aux transactions entre parties liées. Nos résultats montrent que la performance financière est indépendante du recours aux transactions entre parties liées. Ces résultats montrent que, du strict point de vue des actionnaires, le recours aux transactions entre parties liées n'est ni favorable ni défavorable. Par conséquent, l'intérêt des transactions entre parties liées ne peut pas s'apprécier dans une optique uniquement actionnariale. C'est pourquoi nous proposons de recourir au cadre théorique des parties prenantes pour pouvoir appréhender l'intérêt des transactions entre parties liées. Ce sera l'objet des travaux postérieurs à la thèse.Notre thèse permet de mieux comprendre la façon dont les transactions entre parties liées sont affectées par les mécanismes de gouvernance d'entreprise dans les sociétés cotées de Thaïlande. Nous contribuons à la littérature académique existante et tentons de démontrer en quoi les caractéristiques, les structures et la qualité des mécanismes de gouvernance d'entreprise sont importantes. / Related party transactions have recently become many accounting scandals worldwide, from Enron, Adelphia, and Tyco in U.S., Parmalat in Italy, HIH in Australia. In Asia, there have been many examples of looting of firms by managers or controlling shareholders using related party transactions during markets crisis of 1997-1998. In both emerging and developed markets, related party transactions are used as a tool to transfer assets and profits out of the firms for the benefit of those who control them.The U.S. Congress in the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 attempted to control these related party transactions. But in many countries, transactions between related parties are a common practice to transfer benefits and assets between companies. The agency theory generally considers that related party transactions are detrimental to the interests of shareholders. The academic literature has attempted to measure expropriation using indirect proxies for the propensity of firms to expropriate (see for example, Bertrand, Metha, & Mullainathan, 2002; La Porta et al., 2000a, 2002; Faccio, Lang, & Young, 2001).Thailand requires, since the Asian financial crisis of 1997, the publication on the amount and nature of related party transactions. This study addresses the question of the relationship between governance mechanisms and the applying of related party transactions.The econometric results indicate that the managerial ownership and the audit company have a negative impact on the amount of related party transactions. Moreover, the CEO duality has a positive impact on the amount of related party transactions. Similarly, the independent board and the leverage ratio have a positive impact on the amount of related party transactions.This study also explores the relationship between financial performance and the applying of related party transactions. Our results show that financial performance is independent of the applying of related party transactions. These results show that, as the shareholder approach, the applying of related party transactions is neither favorable nor unfavorable. Therefore, the benefits of related party transactions cannot be appreciated with a view only shareholder. We, therefore, propose to use the theoretical framework of stakeholders in order to capture the benefits of related party transactions. This will be the objective of future research.Our theory provides a better understanding of how related party transactions are affected by the mechanisms of corporate governance in Thai listed companies. We contribute to the existing academic literature and attempt to demonstrate how the characteristics, structure and quality of corporate governance mechanisms are essential.

Dentre as instituições democráticas, os partidos políticos são as que gozam de menor confiança e prestígio perante a sociedade. Ainda assim, levando em consideração o papel essencial que desempenham no processo político democrático, o objetivo deste trabalho é analisar como o Direito pode contribuir para o fortalecimento dos partidos políticos brasileiros e para a reversão do atual quadro de descrença. Com esse escopo, o primeiro capítulo tratará da evolução histórica das agremiações que atuaram no cenário político nacional e da legislação partidária elaborada em cada período, a fim de identificar as origens dos problemas enfrentados atualmente e em que medida as leis já elaboradas foram suficientes para conter os desvios. Em seguida, o segundo capítulo, discorrerá sobre as principais funções exercidas pelos partidos nas arenas eleitoral e legislativa, bem como sobre a estrutura e funcionamento interno dos três maiores partidos nacionais, por meio da leitura dos seus Estatutos, com o intuito de apreender as falhas e êxitos resultantes de sua atuação. No terceiro capítulo, serão abordados o fenômeno da desconfiança e seus efeitos sobre a democracia, bem como o papel das leis na correção dos desvios, tomando como exemplo seu desempenho em outras áreas do Direito. Após, passaremos à análise dos entraves impostos à legislação partidária no Brasil, em especial a tutela excessiva da autonomia partidária. Por fim, tendo a legislação estrangeira como referência, faremos algumas sugestões com o intuito de aprimorar a atuação dos partidos políticos pátrios. Consciente de que o Direito não tem condições de resolver isoladamente as mazelas que assolam o sistema partidário brasileiro, cujas raízes estão profundamente fincadas na sociedade, esse trabalho procurará demonstrar que a Ciência Jurídica pode, ao menos, dar início às mudanças necessárias, seja incentivando os comportamentos corretos, seja proibindo e punindo os comportamentos desviados / Even though the political parties are the less prestigious and credible amongst democratic institutions, due to its unique role in the democratic political process this thesis aims to analyze how Law can contribute to the strengthening of the Brazilian political parties and to the regain of its credibility. Having this into account, the first chapter will examine the parties historical evolution on the Brazilian political scenario along with the related legislation of each period, focusing on identifying the origins of the currently problems and the role of the legislation on solving them. Afterwards, the second chapter will discuss the main functions of the political parties on the legislative and electoral arenas and the internal structure of the three main Brazilian political parties, trying to focus on the flaws and achievements of their performance. The third chapter will study the trust issues between political parties and their voters along with its effects on democracy and the role of the legislation on political parties, in comparison to its performance on the other legal areas. After this, it will be analyzed the barriers imposed to the Brazilian legislation on political parties, especially the excessive supervision of party autonomy. Finally, taking the foreign legislation as a reference, some suggestions will be made in order to improve the Brazilian political parties performance. Considering that Law, on its own, is unable to solve the Brazilian political parties issues, this paper aims to demonstrate that the importance of Legal Science is to initiate the necessary chances, stimulating proper behavior or punishing improper demeanor.

presented by Chow Sung Ming. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 155-160). / Abstract / Chapter I. --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- Objective / Chapter 2. --- Empirical Problems / Chapter 3. --- Theoretical Concern / Chapter 4. --- Data Collection / Chapter II. --- Players of the Game: Political Organizations and Political Leaders in Hong Kong --- p.15 / Chapter 1. --- Historical Development of Liberal Political Organizations: a Retrospect / Chapter 2. --- Amorphous Mass and Amateur Politicians: Socio-cultural Factor / Chapter III. --- Rules of the Game: Political Change in Late Transitional Hong Kong --- p.48 / Chapter 1. --- Possibilities and Constraints under the Basic Law: Politico- institutional Factor / Chapter 2. --- Institutional Locations and Opportunity Structures: a Prospect / Chapter IV. --- Inter-party Relationships: Strategic Choices of Adaptative Elites --- p.80 / Chapter 1. --- Prologue / Chapter 2. --- External Threats and Opportunities / Chapter 3. --- Interorganizational Linkages / Chapter 4. --- Problems of Mobilization / Chapter V. --- Conclusion --- p.132 / Footnotes --- p.139 / Appendix --- p.150 / Chapter 1. --- Conceptual Scheme / Chapter 2. --- list of Interviewees / Chapter 3. --- Sample Questionnaire / Chapter 4. --- Abbreviations / Bibliography --- p.155

蘇燕薇. / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1998. / 參考文獻: leaves 105-109. / 中英文摘要. / Su Yanwei. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 頁數 / Chapter (一) --- 名稱的源流 --- p.1 / Chapter (二) --- 研究方向的設定 --- p.2 / Chapter (三) --- 各章内容與有關研究成果的批評 --- p.4 / Chapter (四) --- 研究方法與史料 --- p.13 / 註釋 --- p.14 / Chapter 第二章 --- 從中華革命黨到中國國民黨臨時行動委員會的成立 / Chapter 第一節 --- 譚平山與中華革命黨 --- p.19 / Chapter 第二節 --- 鄧演達與臨委會的建立 --- p.22 / Chapter 第三節 --- 鄧演達的“三民主義´ح與平民革命思想 --- p.30 / Chapter 第四節 --- 人際網絡的建立 --- p.3 6 / Chapter 第五節 --- 組織的發展 --- p.39 / 註釋 --- p.44 / Chapter 第三章 --- 中國國民黨臨時行動委員會在三十年代的發展 / Chapter 第一節 --- 綱領的建立 --- p.48 / Chapter 第二節 --- 臨委會與“福建事變´ح --- p.56 / 註釋 --- p.66 / Chapter 第四章 --- 從中華民族解放行動委員會到中國農工民主黨 / Chapter 第一節 --- 内部分歧 --- p.69 / Chapter 第二節 --- 戰鬥綱領與策略 --- p.71 / Chapter 第三節 --- 内部的統一與外部的聯繫 --- p.76 / Chapter 第四節 --- 農工黨和國共：策反與合作 --- p.82 / 註釋 --- p.91 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結論 --- p.94 / 註釋 --- p.104 / 參考書目 --- p.105

As a significant social democratic force in Malaysia in particular and in the Asian region in general, the DAP's political theory and practice deserve to be examined and further compared with the European social democracy in order to participate in the so-called "global third way debate" advocated by Anthony Giddens. Hence, this study aims to scrutinize from a historical perspective the different interpretations of "the third way" of the DAP, which had undergone certain revisions from European democratic socialism throughout its actual political struggle in Malaysia. / Malaysia is a multi-racial country made up of four great civilizations and it has adopted a constitutional monarchy after its independence. The ruling government of this country, dominated by the Malay race, stresses on the so-called authoritative developmentalism by which repressive measures have been imposed upon all forms of opposition forces. The Democratic Action Party (DAP), a social democratic type of opposition party mainly supported by the non-Malays, arose in the mid sixties and has since remained loyal to the parliamentary system. Hence, what is the difference between the social democracy embedded in the DAP in terms of its theory and practice and that of Europe? What are the challenges faced by the DAP in a Malaysian multi-racial political environment? And what has it contributed to the country in terms of nation building in Malaysia? / The late 1990s saw a new trend in "the magic turn of the European social democracy". The British sociologist Anthony Giddens, in transcending the traditional "left" and "right" politics of Europe, has advocated "the third way" for "the renewal of social democracy." The scope of such studies, however, has been confined to the theory and practice of the European socialist/social democratic/labour parties and greatly neglected the social democratic parties in the Asian region. / This study will give a full range of analysis on the historical background of the founding of DAP, the origin and formation of DAP's political ideology, its political line and party policy, the operation of party organization structure, power struggle within different factions, party control under the leadership of its Secretary General, Lim Kit Siang, and the electoral strategies, tactics and performance of the DAP in the past four decades. In short, the historical setting, political structure, economic system, racial relations and cultural factors of the country had altered, or the other way round, reinforced the "human agency" of the party leaders while trying to challenge and reshape the nation-building policy of Malaysia in a non-violent manner, which followed a path similar to that of the centre-leftists in Europe although in actual practice, the DAP's political journey is in itself unique. This study on the DAP is to find out how far the national struggle for social democracy has revealed differences in policies and divergences on legislative provisions. / 丘光耀. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2005. / 參考文獻(p. 376-398). / Adviser: Yuen-sang Leung. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-01, Section: A, page: 0297. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts also in English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005. / Can kao wen xian (p. 376-398). / Qiu Guangyao.

A research report submitted to the School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities of the University of the Witwatersrand in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Studies / “South Africa’s democracy is faced with a clear and immediate threat”. In a nutshell this is the narrative developed and adopted by countless activists and political commentators who believe that to move forward as a nation legislation regulating private funding of political parties must be introduced. The key objective is transparency – without it the fear is that donors will essentially be able to buy influence within the government. The constant insinuations and reports of adverse donor influences have not done anything to allay these fears. This research paper will examine the legitimacy of these claims. Is it indeed imperative that we regulate private funding? If we are to determine whether there is a need to adjust South African law to safeguard the democratic values that the nation has held dear for over 20 years, then we must answer a set of subsidiary questions, such as what alternatives do we have? Is transparency really a goal that should be fought to achieve? To what extent to South Africa’s political parties rely on funding from private sources? To answer these questions this research paper will develop a thorough understanding of the financial and the political climate political parties find themselves in and ultimately determine whether the country’s democracy is faced with a legitimate threat and if so what can be done to avert it.

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<p>This paper addresses how political parties make decisions. Parties often have to choose between conflicting objectives such as influence on policy, control of the government, and support among the voters. This paper examines the behavior of the two Swedish parties on one of their particular policy positions: Swedish withdrawal from the EU. The aim is to describe why the Left Party (Vänsterpartiet) and the Green Party (Miljöpartiet) retain this</p><p>specific policy position when it on one hand seems damaging to their chances of getting into government, and on the other seems to be an unrealistic policy to realize. I undertake a twocase study of the two Swedish parties, which I assume to represent a population of Nordic parties critical to the EU. I employ a theory based on an analytical framework of three models of party goals and behaviors: office, policy or votes. The analysis seeks to identify the factors</p><p>and the motives behind the parties’ stubborn policy. By studying material from two party congresses and interviewing representatives from each party, I conclude that the policy position is important mainly for reasons of principle and symbolism. The structure of the EU represents all that the Left and the Greens dislike and, together with the Swedish critical EU opinion, it becomes almost a duty for the parties to keep their strong aversion towards Swedish membership in the EU. And while the parties do not perceive that the keeping of the policy would be an obstacle for other party goals, it will not be cut out from the party program.</p>

This thesis seeks to examine the &lsquo / parties of power&rsquo / in the Russian Federation between 1991 and 2008. The thesis also discusses the political party system and political party development in post-Soviet Russia. The thesis focuses mainly on the United Russia party and compares it with the former &lsquo / parties of power&rsquo / in the Russian Federation. The main argument of the thesis is that as compared to the previous &lsquo / parties of power&rsquo / , which were affiliated mainly with the prime ministers without achieving party consolidation, the United Russia party has been successful in consolidating its party development and achieved a central status in the Russian political system. The thesis has seven chapters. The introductory first chapter is followed by the second chapter that examines &lsquo / parties of power&rsquo / in post-Soviet Russia, along with the political party system and the stages of political party development in the Russian Federation. The third chapter explores Russia&rsquo / s Choice party. The fourth chapter deals with Our Home Is Russia party. The fifth chapter focuses on the United Russia party. The sixth chapter discusses the new role of the United Russia in Russian political system after 2007 State Duma elections. The last chapter is the conclusion of the thesis.

Master's thesis. / Format: PDF. Bibl.