Most studies in the area of ocean shipping are descriptive. Certain aspects of tramp shipping have been subjected to empirical analysis, but few authors have been concerned with an objective study of the behaviour of charter rates. The major purpose of this thesis is to analyse the behaviour of tramp shipping rates over the years 1960 -1968, and to discover what impact the forces of supply and demand had on voyage and time charter rates during those years. To accomplish this objective, the thesis is divided into two distinct parts: the first half of the text is confined to identifying the various markets that exist in the shipping industry today. Incorporated with this discussion are pertinent facts and figures that exemplify the changing pattern of vessel ownership within the industry, as well as the impressive growth and diversification of the various facets of ocean shipping. The second half of the text is concerned with a statistical analysis of tramp charter rates, ie., voyage and time charters. Monthly data were gathered on several variables of supply and demand in the shipping industry. The relationships between these variables and charter rates were examined in four distinct categories: 1. between the various categories of rates, ie., voyage, time and tanker rates. 2. the relationship between laid up tonnage and charter rates. 3. the relationship between charter rates and the various stages of activity in the shipyards, ie., ship ordering, ship launching and ship completions. 4. the relationship between the demand for shipping space, as indicated by world sea trade, and charter rates. A number of hypotheses concerning the economic behaviour of charter rates with respect to these variables were formulated and tested by means of a series of multiple regression models to determine whether these hypotheses could be accepted or rejected. Initial tests produced what appeared to be some significant results. However, these proved to have high autocorrelation in the residuals. Following more rigorous testing to remove the autocorrelation, the relationships broke down and the hypotheses had to be rejected. / Business, Sauder School of / Graduate

This thesis is a mixed methods analysis of the use of new, interactive web campaign techniques, often referred to as Web 2.0, by constituency level campaigns at the 2010 UK General Election. It has two main objectives: measuring the adoption of new web campaign techniques amongst constituency campaigns and assessing the influence of different factors on campaigns’ propensity to use interactive campaigning. Drawing on previous work on parties’ use of technology, this thesis tests a socially shaped explanation of adoption, hypothesising that the offline campaign style will be a strong influence. This contributes to the wider debate about election campaigning online by using an analytical framework of traditional and modern constituency campaigning that contextualises web campaign elements within the campaign as a whole. Data to test this hypothesis comes from a diverse range of sources. A national survey of election agents (ESRC Electoral Agent Survey 2010) is used to measure the offline campaign style of campaigns and their adoption of Web 2.0 campaign sites. Content analysis data from a subset of regional campaigns is then used to assess the extent to which campaigns actually used specific interactive features across a range of platforms. Finally, the findings of these analyses are triangulated using qualitative data collected in interviews with campaigners following the election. The findings of this work show that despite the rapid adoption of Web 2.0 sites, campaigns have not fostered the kind of interaction associated with an architecture of participation. The drivers of Web 2.0 adoption are more complex than originally envisaged, whilst social shaping explanations are relevant, statistical models leave much of the variation in adoption unexplained. In conjunction with the accounts of campaigners collected through interviews, this strongly suggests that researchers must consider more intangible factors such as the perceived symbolic and instrumental value of web campaigns alongside social factors when attempting to explain the adoption of Web 2.0.

For more than two thousand years, "democracy" had referred to chaos, violence, irrationality and the tyranny of the mob. Almost all the principal founders of what we now call the "democratic" systems of the United States and France openly and proudly proclaimed their opposition to "democracy." "Democracy" was a term which, for them, had a disparaging connotation. Thus, the term "democracy" was an effective weapon for undermining the legitimacy of a political actor, faction or platform. Despite this inauspicious beginning, political leaders gradually became defenders and promoters of "democracy" (around 1830-40). The shift may be explained by the birth of the official parties in the United States and by the introduction of Universal suffrage (for adult males) in France. The word "democracy" was consciously employed to induce the people into believing that the politicians cared about representing their wishes and interests. In both cases—the United States and France—political factions competed for control of the term "democracy" and even openly acknowledged the existence of this semantic competition. It may be said, therefore, that it is mainly due to successful propaganda that we use the label "democracy" today to characterize the American and the French regimes. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The peaceful handing over of the reins of government is an important symbol of democracy and is arguably the distinctive feature of representative government. Often taken for granted in democratic jurisdictions, peaceful transition is one of the most important elements in the ongoing evolution of modern politics. Throughout history there have been varying types and various levels of success of transitions of power, depending on the circumstance and political environment applicable to each case. In Canada, one type of transition has remained largely unstudied - that in which a new leader takes over government by succeeding someone from his/her own political party - generally referred to as an intra-party transition. This is because intra-party transitions have traditionally been seen as less dramatic and therefore less noteworthy than transitions that include a change from one party to another. Furthermore, intra-party transitions typically occur near the end of a political cycle and are therefore closely followed by a general election. If the new intra-party leader loses the subsequent election, that leader's transition is seen as less noteworthy. In fact, in recent Canadian history, at both the provincial and federal level, there have been only two significant occasions in which intra-party leaders have come from behind to successfully defend their party's right to govern in the next general election: Ralph Klein in Alberta in 1993 and Glen Clark in British Columbia in 1996. This study analyzes all provincial intra-party transitions from 1960 to the present. From this analysis, a continuum has been formed from which these transitions will be assessed as to their relative degree of success or failure. It is argued here that the Clark and Klein intra-party transitions represent a specific "pod" or "cluster" within this continuum and as a result, deserve specific analysis. O f both, the principal question asked is: why, in the face of significant obstacles and contrary to historical precedent, did these transitions succeed? Further questions include; how can this success be defined and measured, what factors led to this success, were these cases equally successful and if not, why? Ultimately these two successful transitions are compared to one of the most unsuccessful intra-party transitions in modern Canadian history, that being the succession of Frank Miller from Bill Davis in Ontario in 1984. The final section of this study involves a test of key exogenous and endogenous variables that may or may not impact the success or failure of these three intra-party transition case studies. Particular attention will be paid to the ability of these new leaders to effectively distance themselves from their predecessors and how quickly and effectively they were able to put their own 'stamp' or 'footprint' on their respective new governments. In the end, it is hoped that these three case studies will provide important lessons and prescriptive insights not only for students of parliamentary politics and public administration but for practitioners and future leaders as well. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Thesis (M.F.A.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / This paper deals with the ideas involved in the work in the Masters of Fine Arts Thesis Exhibition. The images and environments I create are basically functional objects, yet I utilize the metaphor of nature to bring into play much deeper and more complex meaning. The functional qualities signify human presence and human involvement, and set the stage for the ritualistic and ceremonial aspects of the work to come through. Images of nature speak of adaptation and conflict, growth and blossoming. Images of nature point to a basic sense of beauty and harmony that has gotten lost in our modern world. I hope, through my work, to make people take more time in looking at their surroundings, and to create out of common experiences such as a cup of tea, an aesthetic experience instead. / 2031-01-01

The research question addressed by this study is: what is the relationship between Europeanization and the rise of extremist parties? In particular I examine the impact of Europeanization on the rise of extreme right parties in Europe from 1984 to 2006. Europeanization in this paper is defined as a process whereby the transformation of governance at the European level and European integration as a whole has caused distinctive changes in domestic politics. This process of Europeanization is one part of a structure of opportunities for extremist parties (which also include social, economic, and electoral factors). Although this study finds that Europeanization does not have a statistically significant effect it is still an important factor when examining domestic political phenomenon in Europe.

Adolescent alcohol consumption is a topic that has been well-researched to date due to the dangers it can pose. A variety of factors may work to contribute to the habits these adolescents develop. One factor that has not been extensively studied is the impact of locations on drinking decisions. Location provides a perspective on how various social factors can intersect to dictate where and when young people will choose to consume alcohol. Most previous literature has focused on the alcohol usage found at parties or bars, but the current research wishes to expand this idea to other locations, such as a friend’s house and the school setting. By identifying these locations and seeking to determine whether various factors impact drinking choices, we can better understand the problem. The current study did so by utilizing data from the Monitoring the Future (MTF) Project. Results revealed that certain locations were more common than others, and that some demographic and social characteristics may influence this fact. Results are discussed, as are limitations and suggestions for future research.

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