Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-02-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:43:05Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 ferreira_al_me_assis.pdf: 2006885 bytes, checksum: 97d09e023549d8e319968442a6359223 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A Frente Ampla (FA), fundada em 1971 como coalizão de partidos de esquerda e grupos políticos progressistas, encerrou com pelo menos uma década de discussões e tentativas de aproximação entre os partidos minoritários no Uruguai. Além disso, a nova força pôs fim ao histórico predomínio político-eleitoral dos partidos Nacional (Blanco) e Colorado. Desde meados dos anos 50, PCU (Partido Comunista do Uruguai) e PS (Partido Socialista) debatiam a questão da unidade, não chegando, porém, a nenhum acordo efetivo. A partir de 1962, experiências de unificação foram feitas por um e outro partido, mas nunca englobando todas as esquerdas. Mais tarde, no curso de 1968, a Democracia-Cristã (PDC) sugeriu criar uma grande aliança de oposição ao governo autoritário de Jorge Pacheco Areco, bem como uma alternativa democrática à luta armada dos Tupamaros, contudo, tal iniciativa não teve resultados imediatos. Após muitas polêmicas e extensas negociações durante 1970, comunistas, democrata cristãos, socialistas e setores desprendidos dos partidos majoritários, se uniram formando a Frente Ampla, culminando um longo processo de exigências, concessões e aprendizado político. / The Frente Ampla (FA), established in 1971 as a coalition of the left parties and the progressive political parties, ended with, at least, one decade of discussions and approaching attempts between the minority parties in Uruguay. Besides, the new power put an end to the historical political-electoral predominance of the parties Nacional (Blanco) and Colorado. Since the fifties, PCU (Uruguay´s Communist Party) and PS (Socialist Party) debated the unit issue, however, not coming to an agreement. Since 1962, experiences of unification were made by one and another party, but never joining all the left parties. Later on, in 1968, the Christian-Democracy (PDC) suggested forming a great opposition alliance to the authoritarian government of Jorge Pacheco Areco, as well as a democratic alternative to the armed conflict of Tupamaros, nevertheless such initiative didn´t have the immediate results. After a lot of controverse and extensive negotiations during 1970, communists, christian democrats, socialists and detached sections of the majority parties, got together forming the Frente Ampla, culminating in a long process of requirements, concessions and political learning.

Dentre as instituições democráticas, os partidos políticos são as que gozam de menor confiança e prestígio perante a sociedade. Ainda assim, levando em consideração o papel essencial que desempenham no processo político democrático, o objetivo deste trabalho é analisar como o Direito pode contribuir para o fortalecimento dos partidos políticos brasileiros e para a reversão do atual quadro de descrença. Com esse escopo, o primeiro capítulo tratará da evolução histórica das agremiações que atuaram no cenário político nacional e da legislação partidária elaborada em cada período, a fim de identificar as origens dos problemas enfrentados atualmente e em que medida as leis já elaboradas foram suficientes para conter os desvios. Em seguida, o segundo capítulo, discorrerá sobre as principais funções exercidas pelos partidos nas arenas eleitoral e legislativa, bem como sobre a estrutura e funcionamento interno dos três maiores partidos nacionais, por meio da leitura dos seus Estatutos, com o intuito de apreender as falhas e êxitos resultantes de sua atuação. No terceiro capítulo, serão abordados o fenômeno da desconfiança e seus efeitos sobre a democracia, bem como o papel das leis na correção dos desvios, tomando como exemplo seu desempenho em outras áreas do Direito. Após, passaremos à análise dos entraves impostos à legislação partidária no Brasil, em especial a tutela excessiva da autonomia partidária. Por fim, tendo a legislação estrangeira como referência, faremos algumas sugestões com o intuito de aprimorar a atuação dos partidos políticos pátrios. Consciente de que o Direito não tem condições de resolver isoladamente as mazelas que assolam o sistema partidário brasileiro, cujas raízes estão profundamente fincadas na sociedade, esse trabalho procurará demonstrar que a Ciência Jurídica pode, ao menos, dar início às mudanças necessárias, seja incentivando os comportamentos corretos, seja proibindo e punindo os comportamentos desviados / Even though the political parties are the less prestigious and credible amongst democratic institutions, due to its unique role in the democratic political process this thesis aims to analyze how Law can contribute to the strengthening of the Brazilian political parties and to the regain of its credibility. Having this into account, the first chapter will examine the parties historical evolution on the Brazilian political scenario along with the related legislation of each period, focusing on identifying the origins of the currently problems and the role of the legislation on solving them. Afterwards, the second chapter will discuss the main functions of the political parties on the legislative and electoral arenas and the internal structure of the three main Brazilian political parties, trying to focus on the flaws and achievements of their performance. The third chapter will study the trust issues between political parties and their voters along with its effects on democracy and the role of the legislation on political parties, in comparison to its performance on the other legal areas. After this, it will be analyzed the barriers imposed to the Brazilian legislation on political parties, especially the excessive supervision of party autonomy. Finally, taking the foreign legislation as a reference, some suggestions will be made in order to improve the Brazilian political parties performance. Considering that Law, on its own, is unable to solve the Brazilian political parties issues, this paper aims to demonstrate that the importance of Legal Science is to initiate the necessary chances, stimulating proper behavior or punishing improper demeanor.

Magister Legum - LLM / The coming into force of the Rome Statute on the 1st July 2002 signified the birth of the International Criminal Court (ICC). The ICC came into existence as a permanent criminal court for the prosecution of Genocide, Crimes against Humanity, War Crimes and Crime of Aggression. There are 121 states-parties to the Rome Statute. This means there are many states that have not ratified the Rome Statute. The ICC would ordinarily not have jurisdiction over the nationals of these states if they committed offences within the jurisdiction of the ICC on the territories of the non-states parties. This paper intends to analyse whether the ICC has jurisdiction over nationals of non-state parties who commit crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC on the territories of non-states parties to the Rome Statute. There are situations and cases that are before the ICC involving nationals of non-state parties that committed crimes on territories of non-states parties. These cases have come before the ICC by way of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) referrals. This paper will therefore examine the legality of UNSC referrals under international law in respect of nationals of non-states parties, who commit crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC, on territories of non-states parties.

This study will examine political party systems, with particular emphasis on the impact of ethnicity on party formation in both Nigeria (1951-1961) and Sierra Leone (1950-1967). Particularly in terms of this study, the hypothesis will be advanced that in countries as ethnically divided as Nigeria and Sierra Leone, political parties formed from a nucleus of members from one or another subsystem, such as an ethnic group, which engage in competitive elections will create sectional and ethnic tensions. The major finding of the study, is that a country or countries with sharp ethnic-cleavages, will tend to produce a multi-party system unless there are intervening factors to mitigate against such party-formation. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

L’intervention des tierces parties dans le règlement des différends à l’OMC présente des spécificités par rapport à l’intervention devant d’autres juridictions internationales. La première spécificité consiste en l’accès très fréquent des tierces parties aux consultations, aux travaux des groupes spéciaux et de l’Organe d’appel. Cette fréquence résulte de règles procédurales plutôt favorables et de la politique judiciaire ouverte du juge de l’OMC. En revanche, les droits procéduraux des tierces parties restent encore très restreints. Ils sont imprécis dans la phase de consultations et limités dans la phase des groupes spéciaux. En outre, l’absence d’effet obligatoire des rapports à leur égard a pour conséquence que les tierces parties sont privées de certains droits, tel celui de faire appel. Dans l’ensemble, ces spécificités leur permettent de jouer un rôle important. Leur intervention peut répondre aux besoins d’information du juge et contribuer à la multilatéralisation et à la légitimité du système. Elle peut aider à défendre des intérêts à différents niveaux et surtout elle devient un moyen de renforcer les capacités des pays en développement. Elle comporte parfois des risques et limites pour la mise en œuvre des garanties de la régularité de la procédure, pour certaines évolutions du système et pour la protection des droits et intérêts légitimes des parties principales. Toutefois, ces répercussions demeurent minimes ou sont atténuées grâce aux stratégies mises en place par les parties principales et au contrôle du juge de l’OMC. Dès lors, le bilan de l’intervention qui apparaît globalement positif plaide en faveur du renforcement des droits des tierces parties / The third party intervention in the WTO dispute settlement has specificities compared to that existing in other international jurisdictions. The first one include very frequent access of third parties in the consultations, in the panel and the Appellate Body proceedings. This frequency results from rather favorable procedural rules and an open judicial policy developed by WTO judge in favor of the third parties presence. Contrary to this, the procedural rights of third parties are still very limited. They are imprecise in the consultation phase and limited in the panel phase. In addition, third parties do not have certain rights (for example, the right to appeal) because of the absence of the binding effects of adopted reports on themselves. On the whole, these specificities allow third parties to play really an important role in this system. Their intervention can meet the judge’s information needs and contribute to the multilateralization and legitimacy of the system at a whole. It can also help to defend interests at various levels and thus becomes a procedural mean to build and strengthen the capacity and skills of developing country Members. Their intervention can sometimes involve risks and limitations on the implementation of the guaranties of due process, on certain developments of the system and on the protection of legitimate rights and interests of the main parties. However, these effects are either minimal or mitigated through certain strategies implemented by the parties to dispute or through the control of the WTO judge. Therefore, the results of the intervention which appear generally positive advocates the strengthening of third party’s rights

This article addresses the treatment of the joinder and the intervention of third parties in the Civil Procedure Code. The authors examines the procedural institutions for try provide the right interpretation of the procedure rules concerning to the material and get a true effective jurisdictional protection. / El presente artículo aborda el tratamiento que da el Código Procesal Civil al litisconsorcio e intervención de terceros. Los autores examinan las instituciones procesales para intentar brindar una correcta interpretación de las normas procesales referentes a la materia y, así conseguir una verdadera tutela jurisdiccional efectiva.

This thesis describes the parties, which stand for the local elections under another name, then is an actual name of the political party. However, there is not definition yet, in the Czech Republic this topic is not even included in a literature. Those parties, which can be called as hidden parties, do not appear only in the Czech Republic, but they can be found in other countries as well. This thesis describes the problematic of the hidden parties also in England, Belgium, Estonia, Croatia, and Poland. The main part of this thesis is devoted to the hidden parties in the Czech local elections. Beside the definition of what parties can be considered as hidden parties, this thesis includes comparison with other forms of candidacy and the development of frequency of these parties in individual years. There are also compared two forms of candidacy, which under certain circumstances can be considered as hidden parties. The biggest part of this thesis is devoted to the success of these parties and to which parties most often hide their names. Several specific hidden parties are then further analyzed to determine the historical development of parties in a particular city and the degree of connection of candidates and the political party.

This dissertation presents the results of a series of large-N, demographically representative survey experiments conducted at different stages of the 2020 presidential election cycle, designed to test the effects of highlighting intraparty policy conflict on subjects’ political beliefs. I find politicians of both major political parties are able to persuade followers to take on counter-party policy positions with limited electoral risk, and that these persuasive effects are enduring, still detectable nine months after treatment. While subjects updated their own policy positions in response to treatment, they did not update the policy positions they prefer when selecting among hypothetical candidates, in contrast to issue voting theorists predictions. While politicians appear to be far more effective opinion leaders than parties, therefore, their persuasive abilities may not significantly alter the shape of the partisan electorate as faced by other candidates. These findings refine our scholarly understanding of individual politicians as opinion leaders in the contemporary United States, and demonstrates the challenges political parties face in checking their popular politicians.

The Ecuadorian Indian movement entered electoral politics in 1996 through the Pachakutik political party. For the 2002 presidential and congressional elections, Pachakutik made an alliance with ex-colonel and 2000 coup leader Lucio Gutiérrez. After a first-place finish in the first round, Gutiérrez went on to win the presidency in a run-off. This research seeks to determine whether the Indian movement, via Pachakutik, was able to transform its constituency into an effective indigenous voting bloc. The analysis of the 2002 electoral returns applies the Ecological Inference method developed by Gary King. The results show that while indigenous voters were more likely to support Gutiérrez and Pachakutik congressional candidates than non-indigenous voters, large proportions of the indigenous electorate apparently did not follow the well-organized and relatively unified movement leadership.

No description available.