Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-02-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:43:05Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 ferreira_al_me_assis.pdf: 2006885 bytes, checksum: 97d09e023549d8e319968442a6359223 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A Frente Ampla (FA), fundada em 1971 como coalizão de partidos de esquerda e grupos políticos progressistas, encerrou com pelo menos uma década de discussões e tentativas de aproximação entre os partidos minoritários no Uruguai. Além disso, a nova força pôs fim ao histórico predomínio político-eleitoral dos partidos Nacional (Blanco) e Colorado. Desde meados dos anos 50, PCU (Partido Comunista do Uruguai) e PS (Partido Socialista) debatiam a questão da unidade, não chegando, porém, a nenhum acordo efetivo. A partir de 1962, experiências de unificação foram feitas por um e outro partido, mas nunca englobando todas as esquerdas. Mais tarde, no curso de 1968, a Democracia-Cristã (PDC) sugeriu criar uma grande aliança de oposição ao governo autoritário de Jorge Pacheco Areco, bem como uma alternativa democrática à luta armada dos Tupamaros, contudo, tal iniciativa não teve resultados imediatos. Após muitas polêmicas e extensas negociações durante 1970, comunistas, democrata cristãos, socialistas e setores desprendidos dos partidos majoritários, se uniram formando a Frente Ampla, culminando um longo processo de exigências, concessões e aprendizado político. / The Frente Ampla (FA), established in 1971 as a coalition of the left parties and the progressive political parties, ended with, at least, one decade of discussions and approaching attempts between the minority parties in Uruguay. Besides, the new power put an end to the historical political-electoral predominance of the parties Nacional (Blanco) and Colorado. Since the fifties, PCU (Uruguay´s Communist Party) and PS (Socialist Party) debated the unit issue, however, not coming to an agreement. Since 1962, experiences of unification were made by one and another party, but never joining all the left parties. Later on, in 1968, the Christian-Democracy (PDC) suggested forming a great opposition alliance to the authoritarian government of Jorge Pacheco Areco, as well as a democratic alternative to the armed conflict of Tupamaros, nevertheless such initiative didn´t have the immediate results. After a lot of controverse and extensive negotiations during 1970, communists, christian democrats, socialists and detached sections of the majority parties, got together forming the Frente Ampla, culminating in a long process of requirements, concessions and political learning.

Ce travail rend compte des potentialités et des obstacles majeurs des principaux partis et mouvements politiques colombiens. Ces groupes seront étudiés dans le champ désigné ici comme la gauche légale et réformiste. Cette analyse concerne la période entre la rédaction de la Constitution politique de 1991, et les élections sénatoriales et présidentielle de 2010. Le travail en trois parties décrira comment ces organisations ont été les actrices prépondérantes du renforcement de la démocratie, de la consolidation d’un groupe de politiciens professionnels de la gauche, et la recherche d’une solution du conflit armé qui (symbolise la Colombie) et les causes qui le déclenchent. La première partie montre une coalition politique formée des quelques organisations de gauche, en particulier des anciennes guérillas ayant abandonné leurs armes, qui forment l’Alliance Démocratique M-19 (Alianza Democrática M-19). Il sont impliqués dans l’élaboration de la Constitution et la transformation du bipartisme historique. La deuxième partie décrit les dynamiques concernant la recherche de la Paix (comme les conversations gouvernement-FARC). Les organisations appartenant à la gauche légale et réformiste y ont joué un rôle actif, qui fait renaître entre elles les liens brisés après le fiasco de l’AD M-19. La dernière partie met en évidence comment la recherche de la paix parmi d’autres conjonctures permet l’émergence de nouvelles alliances et organisation politiques. Elles donneront naissance à une sorte de parti qui est la synthèse de tous les groupes précédents. Ce parti sera le Pole Démocratique Alternatif (Polo Democrático Alternativo ; la plus grande expérience de cette gauche jusqu’à nous jours). / This work reports on the major achievements and hurdles encountered by the principal Columbian political parties and movements; these groups will be studied within the scope of the legal and reformist Left. The analysis spans from the drafting of the political constitution of 1991 until the senatorial and presidential elections of 2010. The work is divided in three parts: how these organisations became the major actors of the reinforcement of democracy; the story of the consolidation of a group of left political professionals, seeking a solution to the armed conflict which has become the symbol of Columbia; and finally, the causes which set these events into motion. The first part shows the implication of a political coalition –the Democratic Alliance M19-composed of a sample of leftist organisations and in particular the former and now disarmed guerrillas, in the elaboration of the constitution and the transformation of the historical bipartisanship. The second part shows the impulse given in part by the quest for peace (for example the talks between the government and the FARC). The movements connected with the legal reformist Left, played once again an active part which revived among them the ties distended after the fiasco of the ADM19. The last part underlines how the quest for peace, among other factors, allowed the forthcoming of new coalition and political organisations. They later give birth to a kind of party which is the synthesis of all the earlier groups. This party became the Democratic Alternative Pole (Polo Democrático Alternativo),the most important experience of the Columbian Left up to now.

Diese Anfang 2006 fertiggestellte, nunmehr postum veröffentlichte Publikation untersucht und bewertet detailliert die Positionen zum Vertrag über eine Verfassung für Europa jener Parteien, die im Europäischen Parlament der "Konföderalen Fraktion der Vereinten Europäischen Linken/Nordische Grüne Linke" (GUE/NGL) angehören. Die Debatte zum europäischen Verfassungsvertrag zwang alle linken Parteien in einer erstmalig geführten transnationalen Debatte, ihre Haltung zur EU-Mitgliedschaft des eigenen Landes, ihre Position zum Verfassungsvertrag als solchem sowie ihre generelle Bereitschaft zu verdeutlichen, einem „anderen“ oder „besseren“ Vertrag zuzustimmen. Die Arbeit zeigt eine sehr hohe Fragmentierung der Haltung der linken Parteien zum Verfassungsvertrag und zur Mitgliedschaft ihrer Länder in der EU. / This at the beginning of 2006 finished, now posthumously published publication examines and evaluates in detail the positions of the parties that belong to the European Parliament of the "Confederal Group of the European United Left / Nordic Green Left" (GUE / NGL) about the European constitutional treaty. The respective debate forced them in a transnational debate to define their positions on the EU membership of their country, their position on the Constitutional treaty as such, as well as their overall readiness for agreeing with an "other" or "better" treaty. The work shows a very high level of fragmentation of the attitude of the left parties on the constitutional treaty and the EU membership of their countries.

Orientador: José Luiz Bendicho Beired / Banca: Maria Ligia Coelho Prado / Banca: José Rilla / Banca: Carlos Alberto Sampaio Barbosa / Banca: Áureo Busetto / Resumo: A Frente Ampla (FA), fundada em 1971 como coalizão de partidos de esquerda e grupos políticos progressistas, encerrou com pelo menos uma década de discussões e tentativas de aproximação entre os partidos minoritários no Uruguai. Além disso, a nova força pôs fim ao histórico predomínio político-eleitoral dos partidos Nacional (Blanco) e Colorado. Desde meados dos anos 50, PCU (Partido Comunista do Uruguai) e PS (Partido Socialista) debatiam a questão da unidade, não chegando, porém, a nenhum acordo efetivo. A partir de 1962, experiências de unificação foram feitas por um e outro partido, mas nunca englobando todas as esquerdas. Mais tarde, no curso de 1968, a Democracia-Cristã (PDC) sugeriu criar uma grande aliança de oposição ao governo autoritário de Jorge Pacheco Areco, bem como uma alternativa democrática à luta armada dos Tupamaros, contudo, tal iniciativa não teve resultados imediatos. Após muitas polêmicas e extensas negociações durante 1970, comunistas, democrata cristãos, socialistas e setores desprendidos dos partidos majoritários, se uniram formando a Frente Ampla, culminando um longo processo de exigências, concessões e aprendizado político / Abstract: The Frente Ampla (FA), established in 1971 as a coalition of the left parties and the progressive political parties, ended with, at least, one decade of discussions and approaching attempts between the minority parties in Uruguay. Besides, the new power put an end to the historical political-electoral predominance of the parties Nacional (Blanco) and Colorado. Since the fifties, PCU (Uruguay's Communist Party) and PS (Socialist Party) debated the unit issue, however, not coming to an agreement. Since 1962, experiences of unification were made by one and another party, but never joining all the left parties. Later on, in 1968, the Christian-Democracy (PDC) suggested forming a great opposition alliance to the authoritarian government of Jorge Pacheco Areco, as well as a democratic alternative to the armed conflict of Tupamaros, nevertheless such initiative didn't have the immediate results. After a lot of controverse and extensive negotiations during 1970, communists, christian democrats, socialists and detached sections of the majority parties, got together forming the Frente Ampla, culminating in a long process of requirements, concessions and political learning / Doutor