No description available.

Esta dissertação aborda o tema do desarmamento nuclear, numa tentativa de compreender a dinâmica pela qual o desarmamento se opera em nível internacional. A limitação à questão nuclear permite descrever o aparato jurídico-institucional existente para obter o abandono das armas nucleares e, ao mesmo tempo, identificar quais são e como se manifestam os obstáculos para sua concretização. A pesquisa toma como referência inicial o ensaio À Paz Perpétua, de Immanuel Kant, especialmente por suas proposições para sobrepor imperfeições da realidade atual por meio de uma evolução pautada pela razão e pela moral. No projeto kantiano, o filósofo acaba concebendo bases que podem ser úteis como referência para o fortalecimento gradual do desarmamento nuclear. A pesquisa contextualiza, assim, o surgimento das armas nucleares e a evolução da era nuclear, procurando identificar em que medida sua existência é contrária a um convívio harmonioso internacionalmente. Por se tratar de um trabalho jurídico, a parte central da dissertação é composta por detalhada análise dos tratados, convenções, organismos, resoluções e decisões judiciais internacionais relacionados ao controle e tentativa de banimento das armas nucleares. A avaliação crítica desses mecanismos jurídicos permite verificar um processo de evolução gradual, semelhante à que é concebida no ensaio de Kant para a obtenção da Paz Perpétua. Assim, apesar de representarem passos concretos rumo à meta do desarmamento nuclear, sendo interessante verificar como esses passos se retroalimentam fomentando bases mais sólidas para a busca desse fim, eles ainda são marcados por graves imperfeições e fragilidades. Com o intuito de compreender mais adequadamente os obstáculos enfrentados para o aprimoramento e pleno funcionamento do aparato jurídico desenvolvido em torno dessa problemática, a pesquisa é complementada pela análise de questões atinentes às Relações Internacionais, por meio da utilização de diversas referências bibliográficas e análise de contextos políticos específicos, possibilitando melhor compreensão de como os elementos políticos interferem para a plena consecução das normas estabelecidas internacionalmente. Essa compreensão é essencial para possibilitar passos adicionais na busca do banimento completo das armas nucleares. / This dissertation discusses nuclear disarmament in an attempt to understand the dynamics by which it operates internationally. Limiting its scope to the nuclear issue makes it possible to describe the existing legal and institutional apparatus required to forgo nuclear weapons and, at the same time, identify what are and how behave the obstacles posed against its accomplishment. The research uses as its initial reference Immanuel Kants essay Perpetual Peace, particularly its propositions about overcome shortcomings of the present by means of an evolution guided by morals and reason. Kant establishes foundations that can be useful to gradually strengthen the means to bring about full nuclear disarmament. Thus, this research contextualizes the emergence of nuclear weapons and the ascent of the nuclear age, seeking to assess to what extent these weapons are deleterious to a peaceful international environment. The central part of the dissertation is a detailed evaluation of the international treaties, conventions, organisms, resolutions and judicial decisions related to nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, which allows to verify a gradual evolution similar to the one conceived by Kant in order to obtain Perpetual Peace. Despite these developments can be interpreted as concrete steps towards the nuclear disarmament goal, they are still imperfect and fragile. Aiming to understand properly what are the obstacles against theirs full effectiveness, it was also developed an analysis regarding international relations and politics, basing upon relevant authors and specific political backgrounds, allowing a better comprehension of the interferences presented against the total accomplishment of the international norms. This understanding is essential to allow additional steps in pursuit of the complete proscription of nuclear weapons.

Throughout the Cold War, many publicly influential and socially committed scientists participated in a wide array of efforts to push U.S. foreign policy toward nuclear disarmament. Some of these scientists, such as Linus Pauling and Carl Sagan, relied on their credibility as respected public authorities to sway public opinion against nuclear weapons. Other scientists, such as Eugene Rabinowitch, quietly pursued informal, quasi-diplomatic methods. Still others, such as Hans Bethe, George Kistiakowsky, and Jerome Wiesner, worked within the government to restrain the arms race. Though rarely working in concert, all these scientists operated under the notion that their scientific expertise enabled them to articulate convincing and objective reasons for nuclear disarmament. But the U.S. government went to great lengths to neutralize these scientific arguments against nuclear weapons with a wide array of tactics all aimed at undermining their scientific credibility. Some scientists who offered moral reasons to end the arms race found their loyalty questioned by the state. When prodisarmament scientists offered strictly technical reasons to oppose to nuclear weapons, the government responded by promoting the equally technical objections to disarmament held by pronuclear scientists. At still other times, the government attempted to co-opt the arguments of its scientific challengers. In addition, scientists’ professional identity as objective and apolitical experts hampered scientific antinuclear activism. From the beginning of the Cold War to the 1980s, scientists continuously challenged nuclear weapons in a variety of ways; the government likewise continuously reshaped its responses to meet this challenge, and in so doing crafted a method of scientific containment. Thus the result of this incessant struggle was the consistent defeat of scientists’ dissent. By the time the Cold War ended, it did so on terms unrelated to scientists and nuclear weapons. / text

The recent developments in negotiations to reduce nuclear weapons in Europe mark a watershed in attitudes towards nuclear deterrence and security. On the one side lie all the old beliefs and assumptions about nuclear defence and security that have been common parlance for the last forty years and more. On the other side lies a unique opportunity to develop a new relationship of increased mutual trust between East and West that could ultimately lead to substantial reductions in the world's nuclear arsenal. The object of this thesis is to establish how much information already exists about attitudes towards nuclear deterrence and the processes of attitude change. From there, to extend these boundaries of knowledge in the belief that if we are able to understand more exactly what people think about nuclear deterrence, why they hold these attitudes and how attitudes change then we will be in a better position to ease the transitional stage between one set of attitudes and another.

This study investigates how the PRC, during the three decades since its establishment, has responded to international politics involving arms control and disarmament (ACD) issues, and explores the essence of China's approach to concepts of arms control and disarmament. The central finding is that, despite its seeming relaxation of hostility towards international ACD activities, and the more active and flexible part it has played in them at the UN since the mid-1970s, China remains unconvinced of the value of these activities. This does not make it dangerous, irrational or immature. Chapters Two to Five provide a comprehensive account of the history of Chinese ACD policy between 1949 and 1978. Each chapter represents a distinctive period of Chinese arms control policy. Although more interested in the banning of the use, rather than the possession, of atomic weapons, the PRC behaved at first as an uncritical disciple of Soviet ACD positions (Chapter Two). During the second period (Chapter Three), China became increasingly uneasy about international ACD efforts and began to deviate from the Soviet stance. Moscow's denial of concrete assistance to China's nuclear weapons development, and the conclusion of the Partial Test Ban Treaty, eventually led the PRC into a period (Chapter Four) of open hostility towards nearly all international ACD initiatives. Then, in 1964, China's first nuclear test likewise radically changed its outlook on ACD matters. The final period (Chapter Five) examines its record at the UN in this regard, showing how the PRC was persuaded to commit itself to the Tlatelolco Treaty and to the 1978 UN Special Session on Disarmament. In conclusion, however, there is no evidence to suggest that the PRC has been committed to the concept of a disarmament process through arms control which both the US and the USSR, in their very different ways, have accepted. China has participated in international ACD negotiations while not really believing in their objectives, based as these are on a permanency of two superpowers. It is to be hoped that China's increasing involvement in the UN disarmament negotiation machinery will feed back into PRC policy-making and lead to a more positive and more willing participation in these ACD negotiations.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kentucky, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 243-262).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 209-229).

Esta dissertação aborda o tema do desarmamento nuclear, numa tentativa de compreender a dinâmica pela qual o desarmamento se opera em nível internacional. A limitação à questão nuclear permite descrever o aparato jurídico-institucional existente para obter o abandono das armas nucleares e, ao mesmo tempo, identificar quais são e como se manifestam os obstáculos para sua concretização. A pesquisa toma como referência inicial o ensaio À Paz Perpétua, de Immanuel Kant, especialmente por suas proposições para sobrepor imperfeições da realidade atual por meio de uma evolução pautada pela razão e pela moral. No projeto kantiano, o filósofo acaba concebendo bases que podem ser úteis como referência para o fortalecimento gradual do desarmamento nuclear. A pesquisa contextualiza, assim, o surgimento das armas nucleares e a evolução da era nuclear, procurando identificar em que medida sua existência é contrária a um convívio harmonioso internacionalmente. Por se tratar de um trabalho jurídico, a parte central da dissertação é composta por detalhada análise dos tratados, convenções, organismos, resoluções e decisões judiciais internacionais relacionados ao controle e tentativa de banimento das armas nucleares. A avaliação crítica desses mecanismos jurídicos permite verificar um processo de evolução gradual, semelhante à que é concebida no ensaio de Kant para a obtenção da Paz Perpétua. Assim, apesar de representarem passos concretos rumo à meta do desarmamento nuclear, sendo interessante verificar como esses passos se retroalimentam fomentando bases mais sólidas para a busca desse fim, eles ainda são marcados por graves imperfeições e fragilidades. Com o intuito de compreender mais adequadamente os obstáculos enfrentados para o aprimoramento e pleno funcionamento do aparato jurídico desenvolvido em torno dessa problemática, a pesquisa é complementada pela análise de questões atinentes às Relações Internacionais, por meio da utilização de diversas referências bibliográficas e análise de contextos políticos específicos, possibilitando melhor compreensão de como os elementos políticos interferem para a plena consecução das normas estabelecidas internacionalmente. Essa compreensão é essencial para possibilitar passos adicionais na busca do banimento completo das armas nucleares. / This dissertation discusses nuclear disarmament in an attempt to understand the dynamics by which it operates internationally. Limiting its scope to the nuclear issue makes it possible to describe the existing legal and institutional apparatus required to forgo nuclear weapons and, at the same time, identify what are and how behave the obstacles posed against its accomplishment. The research uses as its initial reference Immanuel Kants essay Perpetual Peace, particularly its propositions about overcome shortcomings of the present by means of an evolution guided by morals and reason. Kant establishes foundations that can be useful to gradually strengthen the means to bring about full nuclear disarmament. Thus, this research contextualizes the emergence of nuclear weapons and the ascent of the nuclear age, seeking to assess to what extent these weapons are deleterious to a peaceful international environment. The central part of the dissertation is a detailed evaluation of the international treaties, conventions, organisms, resolutions and judicial decisions related to nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, which allows to verify a gradual evolution similar to the one conceived by Kant in order to obtain Perpetual Peace. Despite these developments can be interpreted as concrete steps towards the nuclear disarmament goal, they are still imperfect and fragile. Aiming to understand properly what are the obstacles against theirs full effectiveness, it was also developed an analysis regarding international relations and politics, basing upon relevant authors and specific political backgrounds, allowing a better comprehension of the interferences presented against the total accomplishment of the international norms. This understanding is essential to allow additional steps in pursuit of the complete proscription of nuclear weapons.

Nuclear deterrence is born from the two superpowers’ relations during the Cold War as they were the first countries to get nuclear weapons and they were the main and most powerful rivals in the world. Then new actors joined the game by testing their own nuclear bombs: the UK in 1952, followed by France in 1960, China in 1964, India in 1974, and Pakistan in 1998. Israel pretends it does not have any nuclear weapons but it is an open secret that they do 1. France helped Israel to get its weapons and the nuclear explosion in 1979 off the southern coast of Africa probably involved Israel and South Africa (sourced by the Federation of American Scientists, the Wisconsin Project on Arms Control, the Center for Defense Information, etc.). This was confirmed by Mordechai Vanunu, former Israeli scientist who worked on developing the bomb. The intrusion of new nuclear countries frightened the United States and the USSR because the balance was already fragile and newcomers could break it. Would the game remain "safe" with more players? Therefore in 1968 both countries drafted a treaty to prevent nuclear proliferation. The Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) came into force in 1970, at a time when five countries had successfully achieved a nuclear explosion. The NPT officially recognises only these five countries as nuclear-weapons states. They happen to be also the five permanent member states of the UN Security Council. India and Pakistan carried out a nuclear test after 1968 and are therefore referred to as non-official nuclearweapons states. The new nuclear states adopted and adapted the nuclear doctrine to their needs, their geopolitical interests and their place in international relations.

Nuclear weapons remain salient to international security and stability given their continued existence within the strategic context of interstate relations, as well as their continued proliferation to state actors and potentially to non-state actors. Since the end of the Cold War, the U.S. and Russia have dramatically reduced their nuclear arsenals; however, the U.S and Russia today still have the large majority of the world's nuclear inventory, with thousands of nuclear weapons each and plans to maintain these large stockpiles. The central question of this study is-how does one reconcile the size and continued existence of the U.S. nuclear arsenal with U.S. nonproliferation policy and the U.S. commitment to pursue nuclear disarmament? This study's primary argument is that a nuclear-armed state can craft a weapons policy involving nuclear posture and force structure that balances the requirements of nuclear deterrence with nuclear nonproliferation objectives and eventual nuclear disarmament, and that the U.S. has imperfectly pursued such a balanced nuclear weapons policy since the end of the Cold War. This study's primary policy recommendations are that the U.S. nuclear arsenal can be reduced further and the U.S. can modify its nuclear posture to limit the role of nuclear weapons; such nuclear weapons policy changes that limit the mission and size of U.S. nuclear forces would demonstrate genuine commitment to nuclear nonproliferation and progress towards nuclear disarmament, while also maintaining a strategic deterrence capability for the foreseeable future. The pursuit of a balanced nuclear weapons policy will allow the U.S. to function as a genuine actor to positively influence the international nuclear environment towards a potentially nuclear-free world. Ultimately, global nuclear disarmament will likely require major developments within the international system, including the solving of the world's major security issues.