The purpose of this study was to collect and evaluate information on health services provided to children enrolled in the Beaverton School District. The primary areas of inquiry in the study were (1) parents attitudes concerning how existing programs have affected their children, (2) parents perceptions of needed and/or additional health services which could be provided by the school system, (3) parents attitudes toward budgetary decisions concerning possible changes and improvements in health services.

Rhyolite lava flows are found at two dome complexes at Graveyard Butte and Gordon Butte, Mount Hood Quadrangle, Oregon. At Graveyard Butte, the White River has cut a winding canyon 150 m deep, exposing at its base, a 40-meter-thick outcrop of flow-banded rhyolite (73 wt.% SiO2, 3.67±0.01 Ma) that laterally extends along the canyon wall for about 1 km. Stratigraphically above the flow-banded rhyolite is locally-erupted iron-rich andesites (lava flows, agglutinate and other pyroclastic rocks as well as clastic debris), a rhyolitic ash-flow tuff (74 wt.% SiO2), and the 2.77±0.36 Ma tholeiitic basalt lava flows of Juniper Flat (Sherrod and Scott, 1995). Roughly 2 km downstream, a phenocryst-poor, maroon-colored rhyolite (3.65±0.01 Ma) is visible again, forming steep canyon walls for about 1.6 km. A compositionally similar silicic unit is found 18 km to the northwest of Graveyard Butte at Gordon Butte. Exposed units along Gordon Butte's Badger Creek (3.64±0.03 Ma) and the southeastern upper slopes of Gordon Butte include rhyolite flows (69.6-72.1 wt.% SiO 2). The rhyolite lava flows at Graveyard Butte and Gordon Butte's Badger Creek are nearly chemically indistinguishable and both contrast with the younger rhyolitic ash-flow tuff at Graveyard Butte and lava flows on Gordon Butte's Upper Slopes. The rhyolites of Graveyard Butte and Badger Creek are richer in Nb and Zr (30-40 ppm and 487-530 ppm, respectively) than the younger rhyolitic tuff and Upper Slopes flows (13-19 ppm and 235-364 ppm, respectively) and share characteristics with A-type granitoids. The rhyolite lavas are porphyritic (~7%) with the porphyroclasts comprising primarily individual feldspars (250-500 µm in length) with ragged margins, oscillatory zoning and less commonly, spongy cores. Other phenocrystic phases include fayalitic olivine, Fe-rich clinopyroxene, and Fe-Ti oxides. A-type-like incompatible trace-element-enriched compositions as well as mineralogical indicators suggest rhyolite lava flows at Graveyard Butte and Gordon Butte's Badger Creek are likely generated in an extensional tectonic setting. A possible geotectonic framework for generation of these rhyolite lavas is the northward propagating intra-arc rift of the Oregon Cascades.

Habitat fragmentation, and the resulting increase in edge habitat, has important effects on birds, including the increased probability of nest predation, changes in habitat structure, and the increased presence of non-native plant species. It is critical to understand the effects of fragmentation at all stages of the avian life cycle, including the often overlooked postfledging period. Because much of juvenile mortality occurs during the immediate postfledging period, and juvenile mortality contributes substantially to population dynamics, it is necessary to understand if fledgling survival is reduced in edge habitats and if fledglings' survival is influenced by their habitat use. During 2008 and 2009 I radio-tracked 52 fledgling Spotted Towhees (Pipilo maculatus) during the 30-day postfledging period in a 24-ha urban park near Portland, Oregon. Thirty-six fledglings (69%) survived the 27-day tracking period (an estimated 62.1% survived the entire 30-day postfledging period). At least 9 of 16 predation events were attributable to domestic cats (Felis domesticus) or Western Screech-owls (Megascops kennicottii). Although fledglings were more likely to be found near edges than the park interior, fledglings located closer to park edges had a higher probability of dying. However, I found that towhee nests were more likely to be found near edges, nests near edges produced more fledglings, and nestlings near edges were heavier. I used a STELLA-based stochastic model of nest success and fledgling survival to show that the benefits initially gained by nesting near edges were reversed during the postfledging period. The number of fledglings per nest that survived to the end of the 30-day postfledging period was significantly lower near edges than in the park interior. This apparent preference for nesting near edges, paired with higher fledgling mortality near edges, is consistent with the idea that edges are ecological traps. Fledgling habitat was significantly more structurally dense and had a greater abundance of non-native plant species, particularly Himalayan Blackberry (Rubus armeniacus), than nest habitat. Towhees avoided English Ivy (Hedera helix) for both nesting and care of fledglings. However, fledgling survival was not related to vegetation characteristics, which suggests that increased fledgling mortality near edges was a direct result of increased predator abundance or predation near edges, and was not an artifact of changes in habitat near edges. My results help to establish that fledgling survival and the unique habitat requirements of fledglings should be considered along with nest success and nest habitat when examining the effects of habitat fragmentation on bird populations. More broadly, this study has important implications for conservation, as it exemplifies how phenomena such as ecological traps created by anthropogenic changes in the environment can be overlooked if only one life history stage is studied.

The purposes of this study were: (1) to examine a select sample of both runaways and nonrunaways at six Oregon residential treatment facilities; (2) to determine the amount and type of preplacement visitation and counseling done within these agencies; (3) to determine the effect preplacement visitation and counseling has upon the studied sample of runaways and nonrunaways in decreasing or controlling the number of runs from the agencies involved; and (4) to determine significant characteristics between runaway and nonrunaway populations. Testing materials included a two-part questionnaire, part of which was developed with girls from one of the participating agencies. Running, which today is looked upon as a status offense, is costly in the effect it has upon the mind and emotions of the young runners, as well as the effect it has upon the budgets of the agencies involved. Running from a residential treatment program is also disruptive to the treatment plan which has been set up for that particular youth. The work which has been done to date in this area is sketchy and incomplete. It does not clearly tell us whether or not preplacement counseling actually reduces the desire to run and helps to create a more comfortable atmosphere for the teen-ager. Our sample consisted of both runners and a random sample of nonrunners from the participating agencies for the month of October.

National movement and local demands indicated the necessity of training programs for child care workers (herein referred to as CCW's) in Oregon. In 1966, the "First National Survey of Children's Residential Institution" was done by Pappenforst & Kilpatrick. This survey showed that the primary concern of directors of children's institution was the quality of CCW's. A national conference was held in Cleveland in 1967 to study the characteristics essential to excellent performance and make recommendations for training programs of CCW's in residential treatment for children.There have been numerous expressions of the demands for training programs in Oregon by directors of agenciesas well as the Oregon Association of Child Care Workers. (herein referred to as OACCW). The objective of this research was to study residential child care in Oregon as a service delivery system, and to study the manpower element of the system in relation to the development of a feasible training program for CCW's serving now or in the future in various private or public residential child care agencies in Oregon.

Changes in the patterns of income and residential segregation were examined in the Portland Metropolitan Area. The 1970 and 1980 Census of Population and Housing were used in calculating the indexes of dissimilarity between black and white populations. The data indicated a significant decrease in the residential segregation of blacks in suburban areas between 1970 and 1980. The central city area still remained highly segregated with a segregation index of 69.5. Taeuber's index of dissimilarity was used in calculating the unevenness in the distribution of income between blacks and whites. Suburbia showed a significant decrease in income segregation compared to the central city area. Overall, both residential and income segregation were dropping at a much faster rate in the suburban areas than the central city areas. To examine the effects of socio-economic status on residential segregation, a sample of 138 blacks was drawn from the population of higher status blacks in the city of Portland. Residential choices of the influential blacks were examined to determine whether or not their influential status was accompanied by a tendency toward greater integration as opposed to greater segregation. The 1980 Census Tract Street Index was used in this analysis. The data show that despite the improvement in socio-economic status, a majority of these blacks still lived in the "ghetto" area (59%) and only 14% lived in suburbia. Therefore, the data show no significant relationship between the gains in the status and the tendency toward more integration. This tendency bears directly upon the issue of voluntary segregation. The data shows strong support for hypothesis two holding that change in income inequality results in change in residential segregation. That is, if we reduce the income differentials between black and white populations, racial residential segregation will be minimized.

European immigrants once regarded wolves as the "devil in disguise" (Lopez, 1978, p.40). With our growing awareness of other cultural perspectives and flourishing body of scientific knowledge with regard to wolves' behavior, our perceptions of wolves have become more complicated and nuanced. Our collective awareness of the environment in which we live also gathers complexity. I examine these issues in this study. Wolves are returning to Oregon. The arrival of wolf B-45 in 1999 heralded the beginning of the return of wild wolves to Oregon. More wolves are expected to cross the border as young sub-adults disperse from the growing population in Idaho. This study explores our perceptions of wolves using empirical, qualitative methodology. Running in parallel with this main goal, I also seek to understand how these perceptions relate on a larger scale to the ways we understand nature. In exploring these questions qualitatively, I seek to answer the following questions: (a) What ways can story play a role in defining people’s perceptions, in particular, of wolves? (b) What lessons can be learned to inform future ecological educators' work to communicate on this or other similarly complex topics? (c) What is the collective story that we can tell each other on the eve of wolves' presence in the Oregon landscape becoming an acknowledged reality once again? (d) Finally, how can what is learned inform future ecological educational programs regarding wolves in the state? This study explores the above questions. In considering people's perceptions, I attempt to examine whether the desires to exterminate wolves are really gone. Perhaps, as we learn more about the complex ways that wolves interact in the landscape and the various ways that humans react to the idea of wolves, we may recognize the greater complexities in the ways we inter-relate with them.

The remains of James Oliver Plunkett are dug up one night from their grave at Mount Calvary Cemetery by two college adjunct writing professors, Bob Rusher and Phil Pike. Having chopped through Plunkett's coffin with a pick, Rusher lifts Plunkett's skeleton from the coffin and pronounces his name--and in this moment Plunkett returns to consciousness as a cognitive vapor. The reason that Plunkett has been dug up is hinted at: After writing many unpublished novels and stories during his lifetime, and dying utterly anonymous, Plunkett's fiction has somehow been posthumously published, to great acclaim. Rusher is a huge fan of Plunkett's published work and is digging him up in the belief that one of his unpublished novels--The King of Portland--has been buried with him. When he does not find the novel, Rusher decides to kidnap the remains to force Plunkett's family to reveal the status of The King of Portland. Plunkett drives with Rusher and Pike to a strip club called the Serpentine, located in downtown Portland. They are not aware of Plunkett, but when they enter the club, leaving his bones behind in the car in a brown sack, Plunkett accompanies them. Rusher is courting one of the strippers, Hazel, and has given her one of Plunkett's posthumous novels to read, which she's enjoyed. Hazel's employer and perhaps boyfriend Chuck arrives at Rusher and Pike's table and, with Hazel still present, demonstrates his claim to the stripper by urinating in Rusher's beer. Rusher leaves the club humiliated. After dropping Pike off, he drives to the Hollywood District and brings the sack with Plunkett's remains into his house. His girlfriend Ava Snyder is there, reading the poet Rilke in the bathtub--fully clothed, smoking a cigarette, lying on an air mattress, and drinking an old fashioned. Plunkett is present in consciousness throughout. Rusher does not tell Ava about his grave robbing or the bone-sack he's carrying; but when he leaves Ava in the tub, taking the bones with him, Plunkett remains behind in the bathroom and is startled to find himself privy to Ava's thoughts. After Ava splits from Rusher, Plunkett remains with her, experiencing her life while wondering about the family he might have left behind at his death, nine years earlier. Ava has a scary encounter with her bullying, drug-addled sister Judy, during which she has hints of Plunkett's presence in her mind; but Ava dismisses these hints until after a disappointing visit to her mother, with whom she has long had trouble communicating. At this point Ava hears Plunkett's voice for the first time, and they begin conversing. After transitioning from disbelief to annoyance to the intimate, irresistible pull of their shared consciousness, Ava eventually helps Plunkett to discover the reason for his posthumous, unlikely literary fame and the state of his still-living family: A wife and son who have reaped the profits of his posthumous success, but do not harbor fond memories of their long lives together with him. Plunkett has a vision of his death, in which he apparently committed suicide over his decades-long literary obscurity. Ava seeks out Plunkett's son, Kyle Fleming, an artist who has established his own, prominent comic book company. Kyle is bitter toward his father for neglecting him while growing up, and has taken on his mother's maiden name; but he then reveals that it was his father's fame that propelled him to celebrity as a comic book artist and publisher. Meanwhile, Plunkett's wife Camille is suffering from dementia and lives in a managed care facility. Ava and Plunkett arrive at Camille's room; in the presence of her late husband's consciousness, Camille reveals that it was she who asked Kyle to send out one of his unpublished manuscripts for publication--a romance novel whose enormous, unexpected success led to the publication of several other best-selling works by Plunkett. In spite of this, Camille tells Plunkett that she experienced the happiest years of her life after he died. While Plunkett was never violent and rarely verbally abusive, he was always distant, neglecting his wife and son to write his fiction around a series of demanding day jobs. After this visit, in which she thought she might lose him to Camille, Ava informs Plunkett that she has fallen in love with him. Plunkett reciprocates her feelings. And yet, Plunkett's lack of physical being is causing Ava to consider a romance with Kyle, his son, in order to experience more fully the voice of the dead writer she has come to love. Ava meets Kyle at a bar on Lombard Street; Kyle informs Ava that his mother, Camille, has died. Kyle insists that Ava take him to the managed care home to help make arrangements for his mother's body. During this car ride, with Ava driving, Kyle begins to hear his father's voice and to rail against him. Kyle reveals that his father hasn't committed suicide, but that he shot him for what he considered to be Plunkett's cruelty toward his mother. Ava and Plunkett are stunned. By this time, Ava has Plunkett's remains in the trunk of her car; she insists that Kyle return the bones to their grave as penance for the murder. At the cemetery Kyle runs away; Ava cannot bring herself to let go of Plunkett's remains. Ava's sister, Judy, shows up at the cemetery and in a drug-addled haze shoots Ava, of whom she has long been jealous. Ava dies of her wounds. Plunkett is left behind--but ultimately they are reunited in the dry, dark sea beyond this life.

The aim of my study was to try to bring forth the basic aspects and characteristics of the Siletz Reservation as it was in the nineteenth century. Concentration was placed on the life activities and concerns of a typical resident, while at the same time extremes in behavior and actions were also noted. Thus an entire spectrum of human life was recreated. Government policies and events and changes of the time were noted as to how they affected the life at the reservation. I did not include all of the information available to me .and all information is not known by any single authority or source of information. I feel that I have presented a broad and, satisfactory picture of my topic. It is hoped that someday more information and insight will be presented that will add depth to my initial study. Also out of necessity I could only briefly cover many topics which could easily be worthwhile covering in more detail. Thus there is more ground to cover. Despite its importance, there is correspondingly not much written about the Siletz Reservation. This is largely probably due to the fact that the reservation fades fast from a center of attention. The population fell below five hundred by the turn of the century, thus making the place far from a population center. A second factor was that the people became a new people in a new world and so, instead of continuing to be a home to change Indians, it was merely a home for people who lived like other Americans but were Indian by heart and appearance. Aside from a few studies and sources of information, there are two main sources of information. The first is the annual reports sent to the Secretary of Interior. These can be found in any major library. The second source is the manuscripts. These are the records and correspondence of the agency. The Siletz Manuscripts are in six boxes at the Oregon Historical Society Library in Portland. The material is unorganized and much of it is damaged. There is also material not related to Siletz. Some of Joel Palmer's Indian Treaties are there as well as quite a lot of records of the Grand Ronde Reservation. Unfortunately, it is largely correspondence to the Agency rather than that sent out. The government archives may have some of the correspondence. As every student and author knows, writing poses many problems. There are any number of ways to put together a study of this kind. I divided mine into three basic parts. The first section is a year by year analysis. The second is topic by topic, and finally the third is again yearly. This helped me keep on the general topic of the reservation itself while still being able to diverge and enlarge on important issues. It was a challenging and rewarding task which I hope will be enjoyed by others and will add to their knowledge and understanding of the Siletz Indians and their life on the Reservation.

Glass Buttes complex lies at the northern margin of the Basin and Range province in central Oregon and is cut by the northwest-trending Brothers fault zone. An older acrystalline volcanic sequence of high-silica rhyolites (>75% SiO2) forms a broad platform composed of domes and flows with minor pyroclastic deposits. The high-silica rhyolite sequence is divided on the basis of texture into 1) zoned flows and domes, 2) obsidian flows, 3) felsite flows, and 4) biotite-phyric flows and domes.